Cette note de recherche a deux objectifs. Premièrement, nous présentons l'index relatif de confiance (IRC), une nouvelle mesure du potentiel de croissance et de la solidité du vote basée sur la probabilité exprimée par les électeurs de voter pour l'ensemble des partis dans leur circonscription. Nous nous penchons en détail sur les avantages de l'IRC et montrons qu'il permet d’évaluer le potentiel de croissance et la solidité du vote des partis politiques au niveau des circonscriptions et au niveau provincial. Deuxièmement, nous appliquons cet index au cas du Parti québécois à l'aide d’échantillons de grandes tailles récoltés pendant les campagnes électorales québécoises de 2012, 2014, et 2018. Cela nous permet d'illustrer et de tirer des constats sur le potentiel de croissance du Parti québécois.

Résumé. Cette recherche a pour objectif d'expliquer le changement et la continuité dans les stratégies de développement économique après la révolution islamique en Iran. Le modèle explicatif est le suivant : la configuration et l'interaction particulière de quatre facteurs expliquent le choix et le changement dans les stratégies de développement économique en Iran : l'État, la société civile, le système mondial et les idées. À partir de 1989, la Deuxième République annonce des changements importants dans l'État islamique et dans ses relations avec la société civile islamique, d'un côté, et avec le système international, de l'autre. Ces changements en ont entraîné d'autres dans les stratégies de développement et ont eu pour résultat l'application d'une nouvelle stratégie de développement. Cette nouvelle stratégie a deux volets importants : les programmes de stabilisation économique et les programmes d'ajustement structurel.

Abstract. This research aims to explain change and continuity in the strategies of economic development after the Islamic revolution in Iran. The explanatory model is as follows: the particular configuration and interaction of four factors explain the choices and changes in the strategies of economic development in Iran: the state, civil society, the world system and ideas. Starting in 1989, the Second Republic announced important changes in the Islamic State and its relations with civil society on one side, and with the international system on the other. These changes involved other changes in the strategies of development and the application of a new strategy of development. This new strategy has two important facets: programs of economic stabilization and programs of structural adjustment.

Canada, like all representative democracies, apportions representation to individuals; also, like all federal states, it accords polity-based representation to federal subunits. But Canada is additionally a consociational state, comprising three constitutionally recognized “national groups”: anglophones, francophones and Indigenous peoples. These groups share power and bear rights beyond the bounds of the federal system. In recent decades, Indigenous peoples and francophones have appealed for representation as “national groups,” leading to constitutional challenges. Courts have either failed to address the constitutionality of “national group” representation or have rejected it as irreconcilable with individual voting rights. I suggest the former is unnecessary and the latter procedurally illogical. Drawing on the liberal principles of individualism, egalitarianism and universalism, I develop a framework contextualizing such representation within liberal theory. I then deploy this framework to analyze recent Canadian case law. I show that appeals for “national group” representation should be approached not through the lens of individual rights, but rather through the “constitutionally prior” lens of universalism.

In his classic 1976 article on the state of policy studies in Canada, Richard Simeon explicitly warned against following the path toward a policy science. Simeon was suspicious of the normative agenda embedded in the policy sciences project and worried that it would submerge politics in a broader set of interdisciplinary concerns. Was Simeon right? The policy sciences have not developed the way their principal proponent, Harold Lasswell, had anticipated or hoped, but neither has the study of public policy developed exactly as Simeon advocated. Both Lasswell and Simeon believed strongly in an empirical orientation and Lasswell, more than Simeon, focused on creating a tool kit of techniques. Schools of public policy have moved beyond both critique and technique to estimate risk, ameliorate error and mobilize knowledge. This new agenda requires students of public policy to acquire and employ practical knowledge steeped in the particular and instructed by policy narratives.

Cet article a pour point de départ la querelle épistémologique survenue entre Anthony D. Smith et Jon E. Fox et Cynthia Miller-Idriss concernant les différentes approches du champ d’études du nationalisme. Alors que Fox et Miller-Idriss rejettent la pertinence d'une approche sociohistorique dans l’étude ethnographique du nationalisme, Smith considère l'ethnographie comme une pratique descriptiviste dénuée d'intérêt scientifique qui, de surcroit, fait abstraction des recherches sur la nation conduite au cours des dernières décennies. Afin de dénouer cette impasse, nous proposons une démarche méthodologique visant à concilier ces deux approches par l'entremise du concept de lieu de mémoire. À partir d'une étude de cas, la bataille des Éperons d'or et sa résonance dans les pratiques discursives, nous illustrons comment l'historicité du fait national peut s'avérer essentielle pour comprendre le fonctionnement de la nation au quotidien et nous éclairer sur la manière dont les Flamands se construisent en tant que sujets nationaux.

Cet article étudie les attitudes des Québécois à l’égard des personnes assistées sociales. Il s'intéresse à la variation du niveau d'aide mensuel que les Québécois sont prêts à leur accorder en fonction du profil de prestataires. L'article vise plus spécifiquement à étudier l'influence de l'aptitude au travail en tant qu'heuristique de mérite structurant l'opinion des Québécois. Nos résultats indiquent que les Québécois sont d'avis que les prestataires de l'assistance sociale devraient recevoir des soutiens mensuels inférieurs à ce qu'ils considèrent être le revenu minimum nécessaire pour couvrir les besoins de base. L'opinion des Québécois quant au niveau adéquat d'aide devant être offerte aux personnes assistées sociales est aussi fortement structurée par la question de l'aptitude au travail et par la perception que les individus sont en contrôle de leur situation. Finalement, la notion d'aptitude au travail se distingue clairement d'une variété d'autres caractéristiques individuelles pouvant influencer les opinions des Québécois.

The United States has long represented one of Canada's primary international allies. This partnership has remained strong despite turbulent times in the relationship, such as the one brought forth by the Trump presidency. Our article seeks to understand the sources of such continuity through the lens of continentalism. While historical accounts of continentalism have portrayed it as a passive force stemming from Canada's material self-interest, scholars have recently identified the emergence of an evolved form of continentalism that represents a dominant idea and a coherent analytical framework in Canadian foreign policy. Has this new form of continentalism indeed gained widespread acceptance among Canadians? We answer this question by considering continentalism in the ideational realm. Using novel public opinion data, our analysis investigates whether continentalist attitudes have become embedded in Canadians’ national identity and foster closer alignment preferences vis-à-vis the United States. We find significant and robust evidence of such effects.

In response to Putin's invasion of Ukraine, the West imposed a package of unprecedented sanctions that has failed to generate meaningful domestic backlash against Putin's war. Leveraging extant research on the survival of authoritarian regimes under economic sanctions, I show that their devastating economic costs notwithstanding, sanctions are unlikely to destabilize Putin's regime or pressure him to withdraw his troops from Ukraine. The key to explaining this outcome is to zero in on the incentive structure of the groups of individuals that make up Putin's inner circle.

Cet article fait l'analyse des discours homonationalistes dans un contexte qui a été peu exploré à ce jour, soit celui d'une nation minoritaire (le Québec) à l'intérieur d'un État multinational (le Canada). Dans la mesure où le nationalisme se construit souvent en opposition avec un « Autre », nous tentons de cerner qui est cet « Autre » dans l'homonationalisme québécois. En particulier, nous explorons si cet « Autre » peut également prendre la forme de la nation majoritaire par l'entremise d'une analyse d'articles publiés entre 1990 et 2017 dans différents journaux québécois (La Presse, Le Devoir et le Journal de Montréal). Nos résultats démontrent que si c'est le « Canada anglais » qui était plus susceptible dans la première moitié des années 2000 d’être « l'Autre » du nationalisme sexuel québécois, depuis la fin des années 2000, ce sont davantage les musulman/es (ici et ailleurs) et les immigrant/es qui font l'objet d'une altérisation dans les discours homonationalistes au Québec.

Résumé. En 1967, la Commission royale d'enquête sur le bilinguisme et le biculturalisme affirma le rôle critique des municipalités canadiennes en matière de langues officielles. En 1988, la Loi sur les langues officielles fit des municipalités des partenaires de premier plan dans la promotion du bilinguisme. Or, après deux générations, on ignore quelles municipalités interviennent en la matière et comment elles interviennent. À partir d'une enquête auprès de 209 municipalités canadiennes, ce texte décrit et analyse les interventions municipales favorables au bilinguisme. Plusieurs municipalités agissent, mais le bilan est loin de la vision de la Commission royale.

Abstract. In 1967, the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism stated the critical role of Canadian municipalities in official languages. In 1988, the Official Languages Act made municipalities full partners in the promotion of bilingualism. After two generations, we do not know which municipalities intervene in the matter or how they intervene. This article presents and analyses the results of a survey of 209 Canadian municipalities on official languages. It reveals that many municipalities intervene, but these interventions are far from the objectives of the Royal Commission and the Official Languages Act.

A Canadian wheat problem had existed, in one form or another, for ten years prior to the outbreak of war in September, 1939. Economic nationalism and world depression had brought shrinking export markets and ruinously low prices to the wheat economy of the Prairie Provinces; drought and soil drifting had brought complete destitution over wide areas; and crop failures in Western Canada had placed a heavy relief burden on the federal Treasury and redacted sharply on the economic life of every province in the Dominion. Surplus world wheat stocks had accumulated rapidly after 1928 (see Table I) but were reduced between 1934 and 1938 by lower average yields so that by the end of the 1937-8 crop-marketing season both world and Canadian carry-overs were back to normal levels or even lower. As a result, both world and Canadian wheat prices began to rise in 1936 and, although subject to fairly wide swings, were maintained for nearly two years at the highest levels since the fall of 1929. However, in 1938 world wheat production reached an all-time peak with good yields harvested from a record world wheat acreage; the Winnipeg cash price of No. 1 Manitoba Northern wheat, basis in store Fort William-Port Arthur, fell from $1.49 a bushel in January, to an average of 59 cents in November, and governments intervened to support prices paid to growers in each of the four major wheat-exporting countries of Canada, the United States, Argentina, and Australia. A t the end of the 1938-9 crop year, despite a moderate increase in international trade in wheat, the world wheat carry-over was approaching the 1934 peak; world wheat production in 1939 was second only to the large crop of 1938; and world supplies of wheat were the largest on record.

This paper has two aims, one substantive and the other methodological. Substantively the paper presents data from the April 1963 parliamentary election in Halifax in an array parallel to that in my article on the June 1962 election there: this presentation can be brief since the reader may refer to the earlier study if he desires amplification of the argument. On the other hand, the methodological problems involved in repeating a case study and in generalizing one's findings raise issues that must be discussed in greater detail.

The great increase in the construction of index numbers of economic data, particularly of prices, since the turn of the century, has increased our knowledge of the mechanism of the economic system. One of the earliest uses of index numbers of prices was to measure the long time movements of the general price level. Later, index numbers of prices were used a great deal in studying the movements of the business cycle. Within more recent years they have been used to study changes in the relative positions of different types of economic activity.

The world-wide depression of the 1930's stimulated the use of index numbers of prices in indicating the relatively unfavourable position of agriculture. As a result of the widespread use and study of index numbers of prices in this period, the “Parity Prices for Agriculture” slogan was born. The acceptance by the Government of the United States of the parity principle, based on price ratios, as a basic government agricultural policy has had a profound influence on the thinking of the farmers of Canada. Within recent years the distressing position of agriculture in the Canadian economy has resulted in a widespread demand by the farmers for parity prices for agriculture.

Recent research on national income in Canada and the United States has enabled estimates to be made of the total national income and break-downs of some of its more important parts. In Canada three agencies have computed these estimates, the Dominion Bureau of Statistics, the Bank of Nova Scotia, and a special committee for the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations. The yearly levels of national income as computed by these three agencies do not agree exactly, as one might expect due to somewhat different methods of calculation, but the general trends correspond fairly well.

Broadcasting is the most pervasive, and therefore one of the most powerful, of agents for influencing men's thoughts and actions, for giving them a picture, true or false, of their fellows and of the world in which they live, for appealing to their intellect, their emotions and their appetites, for filling their minds with beauty or ugliness, ideas or idleness, laughter or terror, love or hate.

The truth of this statement from the Beveridge Committee on British broadcasting is not now questioned. Indeed the danger today is that governments, instead of ignoring the power of radio to influence opinion, will exaggerate it and take needless precautions against the “contamination” of the public mind. Such an attitude has long been recognized as characteristic of totalitarianism, but in this paper I am concerned to show that the “fundamental freedoms” of speech and of the press do not always extend to the broadcasting services, even in states with otherwise strongly established democratic traditions. In the two countries examined, Great Britain and New Zealand, broadcasting is a government monopoly, operated in Britain through the British Broadcasting Corporation, a semi-independent public corporation, and in New Zealand through the New Zealand Broadcasting Service, a government department under the control of a minister. According to a recent announcement from New Zealand, however, the Government intends “to end direct state control of radio and television in New Zealand and create an independent three man corporation to assume control from 1st April 1962.” The governments of both countries have demonstrated that they regard broadcasting rights as a privilege not to be extended to all who might claim access to them.