New evidence is presented in support of the hypothesis that Proto-Uto-Aztecan (PUA) was spoken by a community of cultivators in the northwest quadrant of Mesoamerica. New cognates are presented in support of reconstructions of meanings of PUA words within the maize-cultivation domain. It is argued that some of this vocabulary was borrowed from an Otomanguean language, perhaps Proto-Oto-Chinantecan. In addition, it is argued that PUA included a vocabulary in the domain of pottery. New reconstructions of a pottery lexicon are proposed, and arguments that this vocabulary was borrowed from an Otomanguean language are presented. If PUA speakers were familiar with pottery, then PUA was spoken as late as 4400–4100 b.p. and did not begin to break up into its daughter languages until after knowledge of pottery reached its speakers.

Archaeological investigations in southern Veracruz, Mexico, have traditionally focused on the impressive achievements of the Early Formative Olmec, one of Mesoamerica's earliest complex societies. Fewer studies have investigated post-Olmec cultural developments. Research in parts of the middle San Juan and lower Coatzacoalcos drainages of southern Veracruz provides new data on the Epiclassic period, when population levels exceeded the Olmec period. This paper examines settlement patterns and architectural complexes to interpret the political organization extant during the Epiclassic. Two largely polarized political models are examined, one segmentary and the other centralized. Perhaps not surprisingly, the data are consistent with aspects of both models. Finally, data are compared to other nearby regions to place the study area in a larger regional context. Traditionally conceived as a monolithic region, the southern Gulf lowlands are better characterized by cultural variation, population discontinuities, and intra- and interregional interaction.

One of the distinguishing features of Tikal is the lack of female representation in both the monumental art and hieroglyphic inscriptions known from the archaeological site. This paper presents the results of a study of 208 burials from Tikal conducted to investigate this apparent androcentric focus. Burials were studied in terms of tomb location and construction, the nature of accompanying grave goods, body alteration, and cause of death. Marked differences were noted between male and female interments, with males receiving preferential treatment, particularly in terms of tomb location and construction as well as the quantity and quality of associated mortuary objects found with the burials. The level of inequality between the sexes varied through time and across social class, but was manifested most strongly among the elite. Beginning shortly after the rise in dynastic authority at Tikal, this androcentrism appears to relate closely to the development of the centralized state. Sexual inequality may have been less pronounced at smaller, less politically centralized Maya centers. Comparative studies using mortuary data from these smaller sites are required to expand our knowledge of gender relations among the Classic-period Maya.

Recent fieldwork has identified a previously unknown obsidian source area in southern Zacatecas and northern Jalisco. Evidence of prehistoric use of surface gravel and nodule outcrops in the Huitzila-La Lobera source area includes raw-material extraction and the production of cores, large blade blanks, rough bifaces, and other artifacts. Unusual variability in color is characteristic of the sources and includes a banded variety described as “rainbow” obsidian. Characteristics of this source area are compared to the Llano Grande obsidian source area in Durango. Implications for understanding the distribution of obsidian from sources in the Sierra Madre Occidental to the cultures of the north Mesoamerican frontier are presented and discussed.

While research has revealed the important role that textiles have played in Mesoamerica from the Classic period through contemporary cultures, few studies have explored the importance of textiles in earlier Mesoamerican cultures. Scant preservation thwarts research on Formative-period cultures such as the Gulf Coast Olmec, for which only a few fragments of cordage and woven mats have yet been recovered. However, considerable additional evidence of textiles is available through other material culture, such as the rich pictorial record of fibers and cloth shown in Olmec sculpture. Further evidence exists in textile-related ceramic artifacts recovered from Gulf Coast sites, and still more evidence can be found through the reevaluation of greenstone artifacts recovered from Gulf Coast sites and “heirloom caches” of Formative-period objects. Careful analysis of the form and iconography of certain types of provenienced greenstone artifacts reveals that these may have served as elite textile-making tools; replication studies confirms their functionality as implements for spinning, weaving, and making cordage. All together, this study suggests that the Gulf Coast Olmec already held not only textiles but textile making in high esteem during the Formative period, foreshadowing the great significance of textiles in later Mesoamerican cultures.

Arroyo de Piedra occupies a strategic position between the sites of Dos Pilas and Tamarindito, the dominant polities in the Petexbatun region. Temples, palaces, sculptured monuments, quarries, and a defensive wall reflect the importance of this small site. Archaeological and epigraphic investigations conducted by Vanderbilt University from 1990 to 1994 demonstrate that Arroyo de Piedra was founded and ruled by members of the royal family of Tamarindito during the Early Classic. In the Late Classic, Arroyo de Piedra was absorbed by the expansionistic Dos Pilas dynasty through a matrimonial alliance. The marriage was apparently imposed by means of coercion as suggested by evidence of intentional destruction of local sculpture. The center was abandoned during the Terminal Classic, after the fall of Dos Pilas.

The series of papers on climate change published in this issue are the result of the symposium “Environmental Change in Mesoamerica: Physical Forces and Cultural Paradigms in the Preclassic to Postclassic,” held at the 63rd Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology in March 2000 in Philadelphia. The authors bring their expertise in paleoclimatological studies to bear on the Maya Lowlands and Highlands from the beginning of the Holocene to the Postclassic and modern times. The studies reveal that climate has changed during the past 4,000 years to a considerable degree that correlates in a reasonable way with archaeological periodizations. Several climate-change models are presented as an effort to understand better past cultural and natural events.

Excavaciones recientes de rescate en el sitio de Huitzilapa, en la cuenca de Magdalena, centro de Jalisco, resultaron en el descubrimiento y la excavación de una tumba de tiro no saqueada. Se describen la tumba y sus contenidos, y se presenta una serie de fechas de radiocarbono que se concentran en el primer sigio de nuestra era. Las excavaciones proporcionan datos importantes sobre el contexto de las conocidas figuras de las tumbas de tiro, la cronología de este distinctivo complejo mortuorio y la relación de los ambos con la arquitectura de la tradición Teuchitlán.

Ongoing fieldwork at the coastal site of Northern River Lagoon (NRL) in northern Belize, a specialized saltmaking community, has revealed a consumer relationship with the large, inland, stone-tool-producing center of Colha during the Late to Terminal Classic. Artifact distribution suggests that this economic partnership involved the movement of salt, salted products, and trade goods to Colha in exchange for stone tools. This inland–coastal partnership was enhanced by a shared ideology reflected in the iconography of identical Palmar Orange-polychrome plates. The presence of the ideologically imbued plates in both elite and nonelite contexts suggests they were intended to strengthen group allegiance and reinforce territorial boundaries during this troubled time. This study stimulates new insights into the structure of ancient Maya coastal–inland interaction spheres in northern Belize, thereby facilitating comparisons between local areas within a regional context.

Results of excavations of an Early Classic Maya coastal lime-making site on Placencia Lagoon, Belize, and replicative experiments make it possible to suggest a method by which the ancient Maya extracted lime from marine Shells. Modern small-scale lime production methods are compared with the hypothesized prehispanic method.

The founding of Monte Alban marked the beginning of the urban revolution in Oaxaca and a reorganization of Zapotec culture and society, which soon had repercussions among Mixtecs and other Otomangue groups in highland Oaxaca. While local factors contributed to Monte Alban's origins, the architectural expression of the city's core, consisting of a main plaza with leaders’ dwellings on each side and a ceremonial precinct at one end, comes from the Mixe-Zoque area, probably La Venta or highland Chiapas. One of the earliest architectural monuments at Monte Alban is the Danzantes Wall with carved stones that portray founding participants, including many chiefs from valley communities, as interpreted, imagined and remembered by the city's leader or leaders, years after the event. The wall was short-lived, partly dismantled within a few generations of its completion, and the carved stones reused, erasing the narrative's original significance. In contrast, elements of the city's core layout persisted at least until the end of the Late Classic as a template, remembered and repeated, sometimes with modifications at Monte Alban and elsewhere, of how a city should be.

In this paper I present new, surface-collected ceramic data from the previously little-known Chikinchel region in northeast Yucatan. My goals are twofold: first, to expand the utility of surface-collected materials by suggesting a technological approach (paste analysis) to classify small or eroded sherds; and second, to place Chikinchel into the larger spatial and temporal framework of the northern Maya lowlands. The ceramic analyses presented here span the Late Formative through Spanish Colonial periods. Diachronic changes in the regional distributions of the different wares that compose the Chikinchel ceramic inventory are demonstrated and discussed in terms of larger processes occurring across the peninsula.

Archaeological investigations at the minor center of Caobal provide clues about local traditions of civic-ceremonial architecture as well as the relationship between these buildings and broader social and political transformations during the Preclassic period. The remains of pre-Hispanic Maya architecture represent a series of actions, decisions, and repeated practices, which contribute to long sequences of construction observed in the archaeological record. In particular, these data shed light on two major building campaigns that took place within Caobal's central precinct from about 850 b.c.–a.d. 250. By examining the materiality and temporality of minor temple architecture beyond primary centers of power, we examine how these buildings were constructed and, in turn, how these structures may have transformed the daily practices, identity politics, and religious values of pre-Hispanic Maya communities. Repeated construction of buildings in the temple precinct of Caobal provides a long and detailed archaeological record that allows us to reconstruct the history of material and social practices that shaped this local community beyond the Ceibal center.

The Yalahau Regional Settlement Pattern Survey (YRSPS) addresses the complex negotiations that constituted ancient Maya society through an investigation of the distribution of settlement across the Yalahau region of northern Quintana Roo, Mexico. This paper begins with a brief culture-historical background of the Yalahau region where occupation ranges from the Middle Preclassic period (700–200 b.c.) to the Postclassic period (a.d. 1100–1521). The region had its peak occupation during the Terminal Preclassic period (75 b.c./a.d. 100–a.d. 400), and this paper explores how monumental architecture, through its size and the rituals conducted in and around it, materialized an enduring sense of community identity during this time period. In so doing, this paper examines the tensions within and between communities as sociopolitical strategies are negotiated and contested in the continually messy process of constituting society.

The geochemical analysis of soil samples collected in association with archaeological remains has proven to be an effective tool in the identification of past human behaviors. These methodologies are here applied to the study of notable features from the site of Xtobo, Yucatan, Mexico. Xtobo is a Preclassic Maya regional center in northwest Yucatan exhibiting a complex settlement pattern, including a well-defined plaza, multiple raised causeways, and a ballcourt. In addition, the site includes a large defined open area, which was initially thought to be a potential marketplace. The results of the geochemical soil analyses identified several areas of food production and consumption throughout the site, along with potential craft production zones. The results in association with the potential marketplace were intriguing, but inconclusive.

This paper describes 15 stone monuments documented until the 1995 field season at Río Viejo, the largest settlement in the alluvial plains of the Río Verde drainage in Coastal Oaxaca from 100 B.C. to A.D. 1100. The monuments, all seemingly dating to the Classic period (A.D. 600–900), include mainly carved stelae that most often depict elaborately dressed human figures accompanied by their calendrical names. The large size of these monuments and the political primacy of Río Viejo strongly suggest that the named individuals were local rulers. We posit that additional flattened sculptures and slabs riddled with small circular depressions were foci of sacred activities aimed at petitioning favors from supernatural forces. The analysis of the inscriptions is framed in terms of graphic similarities with highland scribal traditions in the central valleys of Oaxaca, the Mixteca Baja, and the Mexican Highlands.

Teotihuacan's Tlajinga district is a cluster of neighborhoods on the southern periphery of the city best known for earlier investigations at Compound 33:S3W1. New research includes excavations at two other apartment compounds and along the southern extension of the Street of the Dead. Excavation contexts, major finds, chronology, and preliminary interpretations are the subject of this article. We highlight evidence attesting to a major obsidian-blade workshop at Compound 17:S3E1, offerings, and other features at that compound and Compound 18:S3E1, and the tempo and processes of urbanization viewed through well-recorded stratigraphic sequences of the compounds and the Street of the Dead. We conclude that significant occupation began in the Miccaotli phase, but it was not until some point in the Early Tlamimilolpa phase that the dominant housing type became apartment compounds; the continuation of the axis of Street of the Dead in the district was accomplished by excavating in the volcanic tuft substrate (tepetate) and could have been undertaken by the inhabitants of the district themselves; and the presence of items such as a sculpted stone face, marine shell, and polychrome pottery demonstrates that commoners at Teotihuacan enjoyed some access to finer items within the interregional economy.

The term “problematical deposits” was coined decades ago at Tikal to refer to special deposits that were neither burials nor caches. Since that time, the term has been expanded to refer to a range of deposits that have puzzled archaeologists. In this paper we review the various interpretations that have been offered for these deposits including de facto refuse, squatter deposits, and the remains of dedication or termination ritual, feasting, or pilgrimage. We argue that the superficial similarity of these deposits can make it difficult to identify the range of activities that they represent and that detailed contextual analysis is required to distinguish them. We offer some of the archaeological correlates that have been associated with different types of problematic deposits.

This paper explores the production of Late to Terminal Classic Ulua marble vases (ca. 600/650–800/850 a.d.), the hallmark luxury good from the lower Ulua Valley of northwestern Honduras. Unlike other areas of the greater Maya world, no one center appears to have held political sway in the valley. Yet marble-vase production at Travesia indicates that, through the patronization of this specific artifact, the site was able to celebrate its identity at home as well as abroad. Here the long-term production of the vases is investigated through a detailed analysis of stylistic groups and corresponding stable-isotope signatures from vases and potential procurement zones. The stylistic data suggest centralized production, which is confirmed through chemical signatures of vases and one specific procurement site. We argue that longstanding traditions of carving vases from marble in the Ulua Valley guided Travesian artisans in their procurement choices. The stylistic and chemical data augment settlement and ceramic data to situate vase production in its local social and political environment. In this case, luxury production corresponds not to a rise in central political authority but, rather, to a centrally located social center. The prestige granted to these luxury vases, then, stems from local histories of social and political networks that linked, rather than fragmented, communities. The results indicate that studies of material-cultural remains should consider the relationships between distinctive local social relations and the organization of craft production as integrative, not separate, processes.

This article begins with a historical review of the study of ancient Mixtec civilization and how codices became alienated from the Oaxaca region and culture. Current interpretations of codices' geographic reality, their religious dimension, and the problems of chronology are discussed. Accurate interpretation of the Mixtec codices is shown to be very much dependent on the collaboration of modern Mixtecs, as the inheritors of the ancient culture.