‘Recovery’ is usually taken as broadly equivalent to ‘getting back to normal’ or ‘cure’, and by these standards few people with severe mental illness recover. At the heart of the growing interest in recovery is a radical redefinition of what recovery means to those with severe mental health problems. Redefinition of recovery as a process of personal discovery, of how to live (and to live well) with enduring symptoms and vulnerabilities opens the possibility of recovery to all. The ‘recovery movement’ argues that this reconceptualisation is personally empowering, raising realistic hope for a better life alongside whatever remains of illness and vulnerability. This paper explores the background and defining features of the international recovery movement, its influence and impact on contemporary psychiatric practice, and steps towards developing recovery-based practice and services.

The ideas of critical psychiatry are influencing a growing number of psychiatrists in Britain and elsewhere. In this article we examine the origins and development of critical psychiatry over the past 25 years, through the work of philosophers such as Foucault and of critical social theorists such as Ingleby, Miller and Rose. We outline the important differences between critical psychiatry and anti-psychiatry. Finally, we examine the current status of critical psychiatry, and what is called postpsychiatry. We regard both as an attempt by practising psychiatrists to engage with service users' concerns about psychiatry, with government policies that stress democracy, citizenship and the importance of social and cultural contexts in health care, and with what might broadly be described as postmodernism.

Individual genetic variation accounts for some of the variability in response to drugs used routinely in clinical psychiatry. Psychopharmacogenetics focuses on how polymorphisms in genes affecting the mechanism of action of a drug's effect and/or metabolism (both peripheral and central) can influence an individual's clinical response to the drug, in terms of both therapeutic efficacy and adverse effects. Pharmacogenetics promises to be of substantial help in the field of psychiatric pharmacotherapy, but before research findings can be applied to clinical practice, ethical and methodological problems have to be addressed and overcome. This review summarises the most robust findings in the field and outlines how psychopharmacogenetic studies could lead to treatment individualisation.

The rise of the risk industry in psychiatry in England and Wales can be given a precise date: 17 December 1992. That was the day that Christopher Clunis, a man who had been in contact with psychiatric services for some 6 years, murdered Jonathan Zito in an unprovoked attack. This tragedy received enormous publicity and resulted in a flurry of activity within the Department of Health. As a result of the moral panic surrounding Clunis, which crystallised long-term trends, the assessment and management of risk became a central focus of mental health policy and practice (Holloway, 1996). Risk remains a core issue, and indeed mental health services have come to be seen as a key element in a strategy for public protection that aims to keep people who are identified as a potential risk to others off the streets. (We await, with some professional trepidation, the legislation that will provide a sufficiently broad definition of mental illness to fully legitimate this social role.) Mental health staff are now required by government policy and their employers to assess an ever-expanding range of risks – most recently, following the Victoria Climbié Inquiry (House of Commons Health Committee, 2003), risks to dependent children, generally with the aid of unvalidated risk assessment tools. Increasingly, mainstream mental health services are being expected to provide interventions for people whose presenting problems are risky behaviours (or even risky feelings) rather than to offer treatment for mental illness.

Psychotherapies with older people have been slow to develop, both theoretically and operationally, in the UK. This is due to ageism and the predominance of models of psychological development relevant to children and younger adults. Despite this, many have applied their practice and skills to psychological work in old age psychiatry, countering the dominance of the ‘organic’ model. An evidence and practice base exists to suggest that cognitive–behavioural therapy, interpersonal therapy, cognitive analytic therapy, psychodynamic and systemic approaches can help in a range of psychiatric problems in older people, including affective disorders, personality disorders and dementia. The inclusion of older people in existing psychotherapy services and the development of networks of practitioners whose support and supervision are encouraged are likely to be positive ways forward.

Both antidepressants and psychological treatments are effective in the management of late-life depression. Nevertheless, there remains a considerable challenge to improve the prognosis for depression in older people. Endlessly increasing the range of antidepressants does not seem to be the answer, so attention is turning to new combinations of treatments and new ways of delivering care and improving treatment uptake. Collaboration between specialist and primary care, case management and multifaceted interventions are currently the most exciting prospects. There is good evidence for the role of both medication and psychological treatment in keeping the patient well after recovery.

Morbid jealousy is encountered in general, old age and forensic psychiatry, and clinicians in each specialty should be familiar with its recognition and management. As well as clinical matters, the issue of risk to the patient and others is prominent in the consideration of morbid jealousy. Hospitalisation is sometimes required, the use of compulsory admission is not infrequent and treatment in secure settings is occasionally warranted. This review addresses the nature of morbid jealousy, its psychopathology, diagnostic issues, associations, risks and management.

Down's syndrome is the most common genetic disorder seen in clinical practice: about 94% occurs because of non-disjunction of chromosome 21 and 3–5% because of translocation. Individuals increasingly survive to middle and old age, probably because of advances in medical treatment and improved living conditions. People with Down's syndrome have an increased risk of developing Alzheimer's disease in middle age. Within ICD–10 and DSM–IV classifications there is no consensus on the diagnosis of dementia in people with learning disability. New treatments have been licensed for use in mild to moderate Alzheimer's disease (e.g. acetylcholinesterase inhibitors and memantine). The comorbid picture of Down's syndrome and Alzheimer's disease presents a unique challenge to the clinician in both diagnosis and management.

The World Health Organization has described poverty as the greatest cause of suffering on earth. This article considers the direct and indirect effects of relative poverty on the development of emotional, behavioural and psychiatric problems, in the context of the growing inequality between rich and poor. The problems of children in particular are reviewed. Targets to reduce inequality have been set both nationally and internationally.

There is encouraging evidence that some patients with personality disorder are treatable. Psychotherapeutic interventions show promise, although interpretation of the literature is problematic: the number of patients in most trials is small, outcome measures are questionable, follow-up is limited, and treatments are multifaceted, complex interventions in which the effective components are unclear. The evidence base can be assessed according to efficacy and generalisability, and when both are taken into account the best verification is for psychodynamic therapy. However, there is inadequate evidence to make specific recommendations for any particular therapy.

This article is an overview of developments in psychopathy and their application to children and adolescents. A key question is whether or not psychopathy is stable throughout the lifespan. Some characteristics indicate phenotypic similarities with adult psychopathy, and current instruments appear to be measuring similar constructs across the age ranges. Although the literature on developmental aspects of psychopathy in young people is limited, a number of instruments have been designed to measure the construct. These tools appear to have reasonable construct, concurrent and predictive validity, but we cannot yet recommend their routine use in clinical practice or in the criminal justice system, given the limited evidence base on their predictive validity. At best, they should be viewed as a means of subtyping potentially high-risk groups with a view to treatment planning.

This article addresses how mental illness and psychiatry are dealt with in fictional narrative. The starting point is Charlotte Bronte's novel Jane Eyre. The characterisation of madness in that novel provides the basis for exploring how the physical and psychological differences of mentally ill people are portrayed, and how violence and the institutional care of people with mental illnesses are depicted. It is also argued that the fact that in Jane Eyre, Bertha Mason, the madwoman in the attic, is rendered voiceless is not accidental but emblematic of the depiction of mentally ill people in fiction. A number of novels are used to illustrate these issues.

Doctor (2004, this issue) raises the important question of how to assess and manage violent behaviour. He claims that actuarial models of risk assessment based on epidemiology have failed, and that indeed the most reliable risk assessment is one based on clinical methods. He proposes that psychodynamic psychotherapy be used for this purpose, to uncover the meaning of the violent behaviour. Such therapy will, Doctor argues, help the violent person be aware of and understand the function of their behaviour. This understanding in turn will reduce the need in the patient to act out violently.

In this article on getting on with colleagues in the workplace we explore how the nurse–doctor relationship in psychiatry has evolved and discuss its current status in both the in-patient ward and community mental health teams. In particular, we outline the changed roles and expanding responsibilities of nurses in the UK today. We suggest ways in which doctors can improve the relationship and give areas of possible future collaboration between doctors and nurses.

We discuss the complicated nature of communication between people from different cultural groups, perhaps using a second language. We focus on the fact that mental health practitioners and service users often have in common neither their cultural backgrounds nor their explanatory models of illness. Communication even in a shared language can be less than optimal as words carry multiple meanings. Consequently, consultations that involve culturally grounded explanatory models of illness challenge the professional. We give examples showing that reconciling different explanatory models during the consultation is a core task for psychiatrists and mental health practitioners working in multicultural settings.

There is some evidence that antidepressants, particularly the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors and the monoamine oxidase inhibitors, have some benefits in the management of borderline personality disorder, and lesser evidence (partly because of limited trial data) for the benefits of antipsychotic drugs and mood stabilisers. There is not sufficient distinction between the different personality disorders to recommend that any one disorder should be treated by any one drug, and successful treatment is dependent on careful management, sensitive to the patient's expectations.

Doctor-to-doctor relationships are explored. The impact of the employing organisation on working relationships is considered and methods of analysing problems at the organisational and individual level are described. The application of psychodynamic and systems theory in deepening understanding is discussed, illustrated by vignettes from the work situation. The impact of changes in the work environment are considered and potential sources of support listed.

The risks and benefits of psychopharmacological treatment in pregnancy need careful consideration. Conventional antipsychotics and tricyclic antidepressants are relatively safe for the foetus. Selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors appear to be safe, but mood stabilisers such as lithium, sodium valproate and carbamazepine are associated with increased foetal malformations. Benzodiazepines in the first trimester are teratogenic, and in high dosage can also cause withdrawal symptoms, hypotonia and agitation in the newborn. Women taking atypical antipsychotics should be switched to conventional antipsychotics before they conceive. In women with long-term mental illness necessitating psychotropic medication, effort should be made to stop polypharmacy and non-essential medication (e.g. benzodiazepines) and to decrease the dose of essential drugs, after full assessment. There is rarely a valid reason to stop essential drug treatment during pregnancy.

In psychiatry we are perhaps fortunate that the death of our patients is not such a regular occurrence as for our colleagues in other specialties or in primary care. However, when death does occur it is more likely to result from some unnatural cause such as suicide. Consequently, the prospect of being involved in a coroner's inquest is a very real and anxiety-provoking possibility for many psychiatrists. This article considers the role of the coroner in England and Wales and the process of investigation of sudden and unexplained deaths, and offers some practical advice regarding such proceedings. It illustrates a number of issues that have been highlighted in coroners' verdicts and have implications for the process of clinical governance. It also considers possible changes to the coroner system that have been proposed recently in several high-profile reports.