I agree with most of the issues that were discussed in Seiji Naya and Pearl Imada's paper. What I would like to do in the spirit of the Roundtable is to add a different dimension to the discussion by comparing the recent AFTA agreement with the proposed North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). I have two broad comments to make. The first is the fact that the proposed NAFTA is much more comprehensive, both in terms of scope of coverage as well as details of the scheme. Briefly, what is actually is covered in NAFTA are:

1. 1. Rules of origin, discussed by the paper.

2. 2. Schedule of tariff reductions. In NAFTA, it is stated that the tariff reductions for most goods would be phased down in five or 10 equal annual stages, and that 65 per cent of U.S. industrial and agricultural exports will be eligible for duty-free treatment in Mexico immediately or within five years. For AFTA, there is, as Pearl has mentioned, some ambiguity regarding the schedule of tariff reductions.

3. 3. NAFTA also includes discussions on sanitary and phytosanitary measures, technical standards, safeguards, countervailing duties and so on. These are still rather vague in AFTA.

4. 4. NAFTA opens up markets in terms of government procurement, cross-border trade and services, investments as well as intellectual property, where it is stated that the principle of national treatment will be upheld within the NAFTA countries. For example, the Mexican market for telecommunications will be opened up to American companies. This is incorporated in the concept of AFTA-plus that Seiji mentioned, but it is not really discussed in the AFTA agreement itself.

5. 5. Institutional arrangements. In NAFTA, a trade commission comprising ministers will be established, as well as a Secretariat to serve the Commission and other bodies to provide administrative and technical support.

In the 1960s and 1970s, Singapore was one of the very few Third World countries to welcome multinational corporations (MNCs) to set up business. The conventional wisdom at that time, as explained in a torrent of academic literature, was that MNCs represented the power and wealth of the rich nations, the First World. Their purpose in investing in Third World countries was to exploit them.

This attitude had two consequences. First, governments in Third World countries discouraged MNCs from direct investment. Next, they grouped themselves into international alliances to confront the rich countries. The most famous of these groups came into being under the auspices of the United Nations in UNCTAD (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development). The purpose of UNCTAD in time became no less than the establishment of a New International Economic Order (NIEO) in which rich countries would share their wealth with poor countries in a more just world order. NIEO did not take root.

In the meantime, Third World countries which welcomed MNC direct investment prospered. Singapore was the first country in Southeast Asia to adopt this policy in the manufacturing, financial and tourist industries. Soon, MNCs spread their operations to our neighbours, first Malaysia, then Thailand and later Indonesia. All these countries have benefited from MNC operations. There are indications that some Third World countries which previously opposed MNC direct investment are changing their minds. For example, Vietnam, once the most militarist and xenophobic country in Southeast Asia, has opened its doors to MNCs.

This study traces the operations of MNCs in Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand. The data collection in field studies was done by two officers of the Singapore Economic Development Board, Mr Tan Juay Miang and Mr Suresh Natarajan. Their write-up was reviewed and edited by Mr Patrick Daniel.

Despite the rapid growth of Japan's economic role and influence, the exact shape of future economic, political and security relationships in Asia and the Western Pacific remains uncertain. Conflicting and incomplete data appear to support three different scenarios for Japan's role, and for the structure of regional economic, political and military ties during the next decade. These scenarios parallel, to a certain extent, other efforts at scenario building, but differ in their degree of emphasis on economics as the driving factor, and their focus on Asia and the Western side of the Pacific, rather than the Pacific rim.

Three possible alternative futures are discussed below, along with the conditions that would tend to favour their development. Other possibilities certainly could be imagined, but these are intended to be representative of the broad alternative futures that could follow from Japan's growing economic role and influence in the region.

Assumptions and variables

All of the scenarios involve a mix of factors, including actions by Japan and the United States and exogenous factors such as the prevailing global political and economic situation. An important underlying premise in all of the scenarios is that the current widespread perception of a reduced military threat from the former U.S.S.R. will continue into the foreseeable future and that Russia will remain for a long time a relatively negligible economic actor in Asia. The possibility of a JapanRussian rapprochement is within the parameters of the scenarios.

Due to its presently clouded political future, China is treated generally as a constant even though it has the potential to make an important difference in the nature of intra-regional economic ties and the regional power balance. Under different assumptions, China has the potential to be (1) a quiet backwater with modest impact on economic and political patterns, as at present; (2) a dynamic new low cost producer and expanding market; or (3) a highly negative disrupter of regional stability.

Introduction

On 27–28 January 1992, Heads of State of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) met in Singapore for the Fourth ASEAN Summit and agreed to the creation of an ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) in 15 years. After more than 20 years of slow progress in ASEAN economic co-operation, the commitment to create AFTA is a tremendous step forward. The ASEAN Preferential Trading Arrangements (PTA), which has thus far been the main vehicle for its trade co-operation efforts, has contributed little to the promotion of intra-ASEAN exports. Likewise, its industrial co-operation programmes have had limited success.

Yet, the gradual process of moving toward substantial economic co-operation can be seen as a blessing in disguise. The slow pace of ASEAN economic co-operation in the past was necessary because of the large divergences in the trade policy regimes and levels of economic development of the member countries. ASEAN was wise to have methodically and gradually built up the integration environment, institutions, and channels of communication upon which future co-operation can flourish. A more rapid attempt at integration may have led ASEAN to the fate of most other Less Developed Countries' (LDCs) efforts: abandonment. For example, the Latin American Free Trade Area (LAFTA) abandoned their grandiose scheme of economic integration in favour of a slower pace similar to the early years of ASEAN co-operation. Market reforms and trade liberalization in the more inward-looking countries have reduced the disparities and allowed ASEAN to move forward more rapidly. To a large degree, the present commitment by ASEAN governments to form an ASEAN free trade area is now possible with the unilateral tariff reductions in the ASEAN countries, especially Indonesia and Thailand.

Although AFTA represents a clear determination to transcend past forms of economic co-operation, the lack of success of previous ASEAN economic agreements has led to scepticism about AFTA and doubts as to whether the vision can be turned into reality.

Women's participation in all spheres of human activities is neither a recent phenomenon nor does it exclusively happen through formal women's organizations. The significance and the extent of women's participation at home and in communities have often been overlooked in historical and sociological analyses. In Thailand, women have traditionally participated in social and cultural events, and they have demonstrated their political acumen during several social crises.

This chapter traces the historical growth of women's participation and their efforts to form organizations in Thai society. Part 1 elaborates on the natural growth of women's collective action not planned by a specific agency but shaped by historical, informal social ties and cultural institutions (March and Taqqu 1986). Part 2 contrasts this to the recent (post World War II) phase of planned development, when it was planned and implemented from outside by the government. And finally, Part 3 introduces some selected efforts of nongovernmental organizations which assist and encourage disadvantaged women to organize for self-help.

Part 1 Historical Growth of Women's Organizations

For convenience, we will discuss the evolution of women's organizations in three periods: before 1932, from 1932 to the 1960s, and the 1960s to the 1980s. The first period was under the absolute monarchy, when women participated in social functions mainly through informal family and friends’ connections (the primary groupings) and occasionally in an organized form. The second period was mostly under the nationalist campaign of military-led democracy, when the upper- and the upper-middle class women started to formally organize themselves and moved toward the secondary groupings beyond their family circles.

Moonlaniti Phuying, or the Foundation for Women (FFW), is the youngest among the five selected non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Its origin can be traced back to one of its first projects, the Women's Information Centre (WIC), which began in 1984 as an autonomous project operated initially from the borrowed premises of the Friends of Women (FOW). After one year, WIC rented an office for itself, and became an independent organization. Initially, the aim of WIC was to provide advice and counselling to women in the service sector and to those seeking ways to go abroad hoping to find a “better life” there. Two years later, the group expanded its activities to running a shelter for battered wives, preparing teaching modules for women in disadvantaged sectors, and carrying out research work. To put all these projects under one umbrella, the Foundation for Women (FFW) was registered in 1987. The WIC remains one of the main sub-divisions of FFW and is beginning to be known for its analytical strength, publications and critical independence.

Historical Evolution

The key person of FFW and WIC is Siriporn Skrobanek, a committed social worker and an activist scholar. Before forming WIC, Siriporn was one of the founders of FOW and also the Director of a separate project for children, called Baan Tarn Tawan (Sunflower Home), which continues to act as a rehabilitation home for malnourished babies, and provides aid to children and their mothers. Between 1981 to 1983, Siriporn left FOW to pursue a Master's Degree in Women's Studies at the Institute of Social Studies at The Hague. While doing her research on Transnational Sex-Exploitation of Thai Women, she interviewed a number of Thai prostitutes in West Germany, and acquired a better understanding of the dynamics of prostitution there. She felt compelled to share this knowledge with, and to assist, other Thai women, especially those wishing to seek their fortunes abroad. This sense of compulsion arose from Siriporn's own experiences in Germany about the prejudiced opinion of generalizing all Thai women as prostitutes, and the shocking knowledge of how badly Thai prostitutes were being treated.

Women constitute half of the population, and they are an integral part of family and the labour force. Their effective integration into the process of socioeconomic development of a society is, therefore, of paramount importance. However, the meaning and the process of “integration” have not emerged clearly in development plans. Integration into what, and by what means? How can women actively participate in shaping the future of their societies? Do women's organizations have a role in this process? The concept of development itself has been a topic of debate: should the development process give priority to welfare or to growth, to income generation or to consciousness raising, to Western-influenced urban development or to reconstruction based on indigenous cultural roots? Not only women's participation but the means thereof have been questioned. Sometimes, increased participation is considered the natural consequence of an overall development of a society. Sometimes, this is demanded by women as a separate agenda, and is often expressed through the formation of women's autonomous organizations.

Studies on economic development programmes (especially in agriculture) show that they often bypass or adversely affect women. These programmes frequently weaken women's positions in their families and communities (Boserup 1970; Tinker 1990). The adverse effect of development on women has been studied by several authors (Beneria 1985; Dauber and Cain 1981;Tinker 1976) who show that, from economic development and agricultural mechanization programmes, men derive most of the benefits while women remain in the same or deteriorating states. That is why the “Forward Looking Strategies”, the consensus document of the 1985 international meeting in Nairobi marking the end of the UN Women's Decade, defines “total development” to include political, social, cultural and other dimensions of human life. Exemplifying this new sensitivity, a new Third World women's group called DAWN, formed in 1985, has demanded an end of gender-based inequality which limits women's access to productive resources such as land, capital and labour.

Bangkok (38 organizations)

1. International Members/Professional (7)

Women Lawyers; Home Economics; Nurses; Business & Professional Women; Women Doctors; Women Secretaries; Zonta.

2. International Branches/General Women (2)

Pan Pacific & Southeast Asian Women; International Women.

3. Religion Affliated (3)

Thai Muslim Women; Women Catholic; YWCA.

4. AlumnilVocational(3)

Drama (Silapakorn Nartduriyang); Pranakorn Thai Women's Vocational; Siriraj Nurse.

5. Alumni/Schools (14)

Assumption Convent; Benjamarajalai; Khemasiri Anusorn; Matre Dei; Padung Darunee; Rajini; Sai Panya; Satri Mahapruktaram; Satri Srisuriyothai; Satri Wat Rakang; Satri Wittaya; St. Francis Xavier; St. Joseph Convent; Wanglang-Wattana.

6. Housewives (8)

Doctors' Wives; Housewife-Volunteers; Housewife Protect Thai; Thai Women; Women's Cultural Club; Women Thai Farmers; Women Volunteers; Women Volunteers to Protect the Land; Nari Nukoon (for Northeastern orphans, headquarters in Bangkok).

Provincial (70 organizations)

1. Women's Cultural Promotion Associations (67)

Krabi; Karnjanaburi; Karasin; Kampanpet; Khon Kaen; Chantaburi; Chacherngsao; Chonburi;Chainat; Chaiy apum; Chiengrai; Chiengmai/Sri Lanna Thai; Chumporn; Trang; Trard; Tak; Nakorn Nayok; Nakom Pratom; Nakorn Panom; Nakorn Sri Thammaraj; Nakorn Rachasima; Nakorn Sawan; Nonthaburi; Narathivas; Burirum; Prathumthani; Prajuabkirikan; Prajin; Pattani; Ayuthya; Pang-gna; Pattalung; Pichit; Petchburi; Pitsanulok; Petchboon; Prae; Phuket; Mahasarakam; Mukdaharn; Yala; Ra-nong; Roi-et; Raj buri; Lopburi; Loei; Lumpang; Sri Saket; Samut Prakarn; Samut Sakorn; Samut Songkarm; Sara Buri; Singhaburi; Sukhothai; Supanburi; Sakon Nakorn; Surin; Surattani; Songkhla; Satul; Nongkai; Uttradit; Uthai Thani; UdornThani; Arng Thong; Ubon Rachathani; WCPASawankalokDistrict(Sukhothai Province).

2. Others (3)

Satri Nonthpubpla School Alumni; Tha Muong Housewives (Karnjanaburi Prov.); Satri Sri Racha (Chonburi Prov.)

The progress of women's collective action in Thai society has grown slowly and unevenly. Early organized efforts were noticeable at the turn of this century, when modernization began. They also acquired some momentum during the 1920s when democratic forces started to develop. But after 1932, when the political regime of the country changed from absolute monarchy to democracy, women's organized attempts declined. It was hoped that democracy would bring more justice, equality being already written into the constitution. But contrary to this expectation, under the military regimes between the 1930s and the 1960s, women's collective action came to a standstill and mirrored national interests. A few national women's organizations came into existence but, being elite or charity-oriented, were mostly pro-government.

It was only in the mid- 1970s that women's participation matured politically. Though confined mostly to Bangkok, this participation has been growing steadily. This maturity has little to do with the United Nations Decade of Women (though that made it easier) but much with the inner unrest created by the student movement of 1973, and the attitude of questioning generated by it. This critical attitude towards government and modernization led to the formation of new and somewhat radical women's groups, which were added on to the efforts of previously existing welfare-oriented (“classical”) women's organizations. Thus, in Thailand today, the new-generation groups coexist with the traditional ones. Earlier chapters dealt with sample representatives of these groups, and with their internal characteristics, growth and impact. This section will take a composite view of these efforts, and will compare their pitfalls and potential.

Women's movements are one of the most significant social movements today in many countries. Thailand, where women's groups are just emerging, provides an interesting case study. This book is an exploratory work to document and analyse, and publish for the first time, case studies of women's organizations in Thailand.

Having been born, brought up and initially educated in Bangkok, and having witnessed the activities of student revolt during 1973-76 as a college student, the first author wanted to know more about the growth of subsequent social actions. Only after working for a higher degree in the United States did she realize how closely her own growth as a woman was linked to Thai culture and history. A desire to study the lives of Thai women and their organizations was a natural extension of her developed consciousness as a woman and of her interest in social action. Her familiarity with various women's groups and her identity as a native Thai gained for her some acceptance from them. Yet, being educated and employed abroad, she was an outsider, and allowed some degree of objectivity.

The second author had a general theoretical background in Southeast Asia and grass roots development groups. He participated in all aspects of the study (research and design), and in most interviews with key women of various groups.

This research has taken us several field visits and years to complete between 1985-90. Many colleagues and friends have helped us in several ways through discussions, comments and critiques to complete the work. The research work began in 1985 with the encouragement of the Director of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), Professor K.S. Sandhu, under an ASEAN Economic Research Fellowship funded by USAID. Work continued at the Women's Studies Research Center of the University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA, where we received encouragement and support from Professors Cyrena Pondrom, Janet Hyde, Russell Middleton, and Joseph Elder. Professor Michael Apple read the manuscript and gave valuable feedback.