Abbreviated Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) was carried out on a sample of obsidian artifacts from the Terminal Formative to early Late Classic period site of Palo Errado, located in the southern Gulf lowlands of Veracruz, Mexico. Our understanding of Classic period obsidian economies in the southern Gulf lowlands has been largely informed by studies of the political economies of the highland Mexican cities of Teotihuacan and Cantona, which appear to have controlled the Pachuca and Otumba, and Zaragoza-Oyameles obsidian sources, respectively. However, the NAA results from Palo Errado indicate that while the local obsidian economy was dominated by prismatic blade technology utilizing Zaragoza-Oyameles obsidian, five additional highland Mexican sources were used during the Early Classic period. The presence of Ucareo and the use of Otumba in core-blade reduction, for instance, set Palo Errado apart from contemporary sites in the southern Gulf lowlands. Temporal variation in quantity of supplemental obsidian sources and their use in different reduction technologies suggest that consumers at Palo Errado had access to abundant Zaragoza-Oyameles obsidian of a quality high enough to facilitate the production of fine prismatic blades. At the same time, however, they continued to participate in exchange networks that tied them to other areas of central Mexico, independently from other contemporaneous sites in the southern Gulf lowlands.

This article examines the cultural and ecological history of a single Maya territory from circa 1000 B.C. to A.D. 1100. An ancient Maya territory is defined as an area of land and population under the jurisdiction of a particular capital. In addition to the capital, there are minor centers, household groups, and temporary settlements, which together comprise the population of a territory. Here, the San Bartolo-Xultun territory in the northeastern Department of the Peten, Guatemala is used as a case study. During more than two thousand years of occupation the natural landscape and cultural settlement pattern changed dramatically. This study isolates major factors contributing to broad changes in local culture history by employing data from archaeology, geography, remote sensing, epigraphy, and iconography. It is argued that reconstructing regional culture histories using a conjunctive approach should be a major goal of Maya archaeology in the coming years as we strive for a more holistic understanding of the past.

Archaeological research within the Classic Maya center of Copan and in its surrounding rural regions has generated new data relating to the periods both preceding and following the center’s Classic period dynasty. Recent excavations at both Late Preclassic and Early Postclassic settlements have revealed more similarities between the inhabitants of these two “non-Classic” time periods than to the inhabitants of the intervening and better known Classic period. We explore this striking set of similarities in terms of settlement pattern, spatial organization, architecture, material culture, and ritual deposits and spaces. We suggest that the similarities between the Copan region’s Late Preclassic and Early Postclassic populations and their mutual differences with intervening Classic period peoples reflecta cultural connection between these two populations.

Recent INAH excavations and reanalysis of data from the Carnegie Institution archaeological project document the survival and revival of Classic and Terminal Classic traditions at Postclassic Mayapán, the last Maya capital in Mexico. The survival of some Terminal Classic ceramic types and architectural forms at Mayapán around A.D. 1100–1200 reflects a pattern of continuity. A revival of earlier traditions is notable in the erection of stelae marking the katun endings and in Postclassic architecture that incorporates iconographie elements from Terminal Classic Puuc sites and the city of Chichén Itzá. The rulers and priests of Mayapán displayed their connection with the Terminal Classic Maya heritage to assert political power. The Puuc revival at Mayapán is linked with the Xiu priests, whereas the revival of the Itzá heritage of Chichén Itzá is affiliated with the Cocom rulers. Between A.D. 1250 and 1400, revival-style architecture at Mayapán was inspired by local traditions in the area of Yucatán. After A.D. 1400, trade contact with the East Coast inspired new art forms linked with the international style associated with Mixteca-Puebla art.

The ethnographic, archaeological, and ethnohistorical data discussed in this report help shed light on the cultural processes and the resulting archaeological correlates (i.e., artifacts and features) linked with aquatic subsistence in Lake Cuitzeo, Michoacán, México. This information is vital for interpreting the archaeological record not just in the study area, but also in all those parts of West Mexico and elsewhere in Mesoamerica where lakes, rivers, marshes, and streams offered a natural bounty for human exploitation. The Lake Cuitzeo Basin was a key economic area for the prehispanic Tarascan state, thanks to its wealth of mineral resources (primarily obsidian and salt). Although non-agricultural resources such as fish, wild plants, aquatic fowl and other wildlife were probably no less important for human subsistence than the area’s mineral riches, they have seldom been taken systematically into consideration by archaeologists in this part of Mesoamerica. This ethnoarchaeological research sheds light on ancient subsistence through the study of contemporary activities such as fishing, hunting, and gathering wild plants, and the associated material culture and work areas. This ethnographic information, as well as the extant ethnohistorical and archaeological records, offer an insight into prehispanic subsistence activities, which is critical for a better understanding of cultural and ecological adaptation in the study area through time.