Close ny chollagh lies on the southern coast of the Isle of Man (fig. 1), about one mile south-west of Castletown, and is one of the group of Manx fortified coastal sites. It is not on a promontory, having land adjacent to it on two of its four sides, but the deep gully to the south combines with an artificial ditch along the rest of the landward side to make it a position of some strength.

When it was chosen for excavation in 1953 it was thought that the Manx promontory forts belonged to the Viking Age, and Close ny chollagh did indeed have a mediaeval level in which the principal building was a long-house of Scandinavian type. There was also, however, an Iron Age level, separated by a sterile layer from the later one, clearly demonstrating for the first time an Iron Age origin for one of the Manx promontory forts. It is to this Iron Age phase in the history of the fort that the present report is devoted.

Excavations on behalf of the Research Committee for the Archæological Excavation of Derbyshire Caves (British Association and Royal Anthropological Institute) were commenced by the writer in the Pin Hole Cave, Creswell Crags, in September, 1924, at a point 23 feet from the entrance, where the superficial examination of the upper beds by the Rev. Magins Mello had terminated in 1873. The work has steadily progressed, and has now reached 80 feet beyond the datum point, and is proceeding in the large inner chamber which has been revealed by the removal of the deposits which, over half its area, had accumulated to the level of the roof. The section embraces an upper cave-earth from 6 to 7 feet in thickness, mostly sealed beneath stalagmite, or breccia, and containing artifacts ranging in time from Upper Mousterian at its base to Magdalenian at the top. The lower cave-earth, 10 to 11 feet in thickness, contains three lower Palæolithic cultural zones, the lowest of which is 13 feet beneath the floor of the cave.

The discovery to which this paper refers was made by a series of very fortunate circumstances. A resident in Ivry Street, in the northern portion of Ipswich, was having an inspection pit sunk for his motor car, and during the excavation his gardener, who is familiar with humanly-worked flints, found a number of long flakes at a depth of about three feet from the surface of the ground. These he fortunately preserved and gave to my workman Baxter; who brought them to me.

I at once paid a visit to the site and, owing to the kindness of Mr. Makepeace, the occupant of the house in Ivry Street, was enabled to conduct a series of excavations and to find the various specimens which it is my purpose to describe.

A map made by F. N Hayward showing the location of the Lower Palaeolithic site of Baker's Hole, found in the Hayward Archive stored by the British Museum at Franks House, shows that the site was not at the location suggested by modern authors. The new location, near some remnant Pleistocene deposits, opens the possibility of using modern techniques to date the archaeological material recovered from the site in 1909.

This paper is devoted to a study of the horned-cairns of the North-east of Ireland and their associated artifacts. The term ‘horned-cairn’ is used to describe those segmented gallery-graves set in a long cairn and entered from a semi-circular forecourt delimited by an orthostatic facade. It is realized that this term is not altogether satisfactory, but it has the virtue of brevity and its usage is now well established. Some contemporary Irish prehistorians, notably Professor Ruaidhrí de Valéra, have suggested the term ‘court-cairn’ for all the manifestations in Ireland of the segmented gallery-grave having elaborate structural forecourts. This would include cairns in the West of Ireland with completely enclosed courts (described as court-cairns in this paper) as well as horned-cairns proper. The confusion which might arise from the use of such terms as ‘full court-cairn’, ‘half court-cairn’, ‘forecourt-cairn’ and the like have decided the present writer to retain in this paper the simple terms ‘horned-cairn’ and ‘court-cairn’.

This study is divided into two main sections. The first is descriptive, being concerned with horned-cairns and associated artifacts and the second attempts to place the Carlingford Culture as a whole in its context in prehistory. In view of the paucity of detailed information about court-cairns, particularly the almost complete lack of excavation, no detailed study is made of these. At the time of going to press it is understood that a paper by Professor de Valéra on the court-cairns of the west is about to be published in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

During the course of archaeological investigations in advance of a business and residential development, an unusual structure was discovered. The site is located on a silty clay-capped terrace of the River Kennet immediately to the north-west of Hungerford, Berks, (SU 334692).

The structure, initially thought to be a round house, comprised a ring of seven equally spaced pits in a 6 m diameter circle. At its centre was an area of fire-reddened clay over 1 m in extent. Two shallow scoops cut this burnt area (fig. 1). The pits were generally bowl shaped, 60–80 cm across and 15–30 cm deep. Some of the pits had clear evidence for the presence of small posts. These posts had been burnt and replaced on more than one occasion. There was no evidence for an encircling ditch or a covering mound. A single 14C date of 3360 ± 40 BP (BM–2737) was obtained on oak charcoal from pit 5008, which is consistent with the Early Bronze Age date of the pottery.

‘There thus appears to be good reason at least to believe that the Larnian is best known in its para-Neolithic tradition associated with the coastal phenomena of the Raised Beaches and their middens, and perhaps even to question the Mesolithic status of the whole industry’ (Herity, 1970).

In the first of his three chapters forming Aspects of Prehistory (1970), Grahame Clark discussed one important aspect of prehistoric archaeology about which he has not hitherto written much, namely the historical development of that branch of historical science which, by his own researches in the last forty-five years, he has done so much to further. This chapter, the first of three lectures he delivered at Berkeley in the spring of 1970, is entitled ‘The Relevance of World Prehistory’, and is mainly concerned with listing the story of the discovery of archaeological facts. The interpretation of archaeological facts is of equal importance and in this paper I am concerned briefly with some aspects of the history of archaeological theory and interpretation, and more particularly with the changing models of thought used by prehistorians.

Here, we need not go further back than the three-age technological model of C. J. Thomsen. Before that we note the mythological models of the medieval and later antiquaries who floated Trojans and Phoenicians and the sons of Noah across their invented prehistory, and the literary and theological models of the later antiquaries of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries who, eschewing invention, sought prehistorical information in the Bible and in Classical writers, and made over our prehistoric monuments to the Druids, and our gravels to an Universal Deluge.

Over the last 20 years interpretive approaches within Iron Age studies in Britain have moved from the national to the regional. This was an important development which challenged the notion that a unified, British, Iron Age ever existed. However, whilst this approach has allowed regional histories to be told in their own right, there has been far too much focus on ‘key’ areas such as Wessex and Yorkshire. Our knowledge of the ‘gaps’ in-between these regions is uneven across the country and seriously distorts our understanding of the period. This situation is particularly acute in Wales where there is a paucity of very large material and structural assemblages. As with many ‘in-between’ areas, developer-funded archaeology has increased the baseline dataset, although the interpretations of those data have not developed in parallel. This paper will demonstrate that, to more fully understand the integrated regional composition of Iron Age Britain, we must give detailed consideration to the evidence from these ‘gaps’. By bringing together for the first time all of the available aerial photographic, chronological, faunal, palaeobotanical, and excavated data in one of these ‘gap’ areas, southern Glamorgan, this paper will show that through the careful analysis of the available evidence we are able to gain an understanding of different areas’ distinctive regional characters and move beyond our over-reliance on a small number of key regions.

The practice of Archery in the Bronze Age and early Iron Age as it survives to us in the archaeological record is difficult of interpretation owing to the low survival value of most archery equipment—the one relic of fairly high survival value being the arrow-head, of flint, bronze or iron. This paper deals with a topic little touched upon previously, and, setting aside the tradition of stone arrow-head manufacture (which persisted well into the Bronze Age in various parts of Europe) essays a treatment of the evidence for the manufacture and use of metal arrow-heads. These will be divided into three types, tanged, socketed and spurred—a threefold division which will appear to be significant not only from the purely typological point of view, but also in the more general context of prehistory.

A catalogue of all finds known to the writer in 1967 will be found at the end of the paper. While this catalogue makes no claim to be complete, it is representative enough to serve as a firm basis, and although further research may bring more examples to light, it will probably not reveal any major new concentrations of metal arrow-heads within Europe (at any rate within the framework of existing knowledge).

Surveys and excavations in 1980–1 confirmed Peak Camp as a Neolithic enclosure on a flat promontory of the Cotswold escarpment overlooking the Severn Valley just 1 km south of Crickley Hill. Although heavily eroded by quarrying the site can be reconstructed as having two concentric arcs of boundary earthworks forming an oval plan which was probably open to the north where a steep natural slope defined the edge of the site. A section through the outer boundary showed four main phases of ditch construction, at least one causewayed. An extensive series of radiocarbon dates shows construction began in the late 37th century cal bc and probably continued through successive remodellings into the 33rd century cal bc or beyond. An internal ditch or elongated pit situated in the area between the inner and outer boundary earthworks had a similar history. Where sampled, the ditch and internal feature were rich in material culture, including a substantial assemblage of plain bowl pottery; flint implements and working waste; animal remains dominated by cattle but including also the remains of a cat; human foot bones; slight traces of cereal production; a fragment of a Group VI axe; part of a sandstone disc; and a highly unusual shale arc pendant of continental type. It is suggested that the ditch fills represent selectively redeposited midden material from within the site that started to accumulate in the late 5th or early 4th millennium cal bc. The construction and use of Peak Camp is contemporary with activity on Crickley Hill, and the two sites probably formed components of a single complex. Its use was also contemporary with the deposition of burials at local long barrows in the Cotswold-Severn tradition which are linked by common ceramic traditions and the selective deposition of human body parts.

Although a large number of bronze ‘razors’ have been found in these islands, the literature concerning them is very scattered, and there has been no attempt to synthesize the information concerning them. There are frequent references to the so-called ‘plantain’ (our Class I) form or to the ‘maple-leaf’ (Class II) examples with their suggested connection with Siculan razors, but there has been no detailed analysis of their chronological and cultural positions in the British Late Bronze Age. This paper attempts such a classification of the razors on a typological and cultural basis so that they can be fitted with greater accuracy intq their place in Late Bronze chronology.

The three palaeoliths figured below have been found in the last five years in the river gravels near Oxford and are now in the Ashmolean Museum. The authorities of the Museum have entrusted them to me for figuring and record and I have taken the opportunity to discuss their significance in relation to some fundamental problems of Pleistocene correlation. Any value this discussion may have is largely due to the prolonged co-operation of Dr K. P. Oakley, both in the field and by correspondence, though he is in no way to be held responsible for any errors or shortcomings. I am also indebted to Prof. W. B. R. King and Mr D. F. W. Baden-Powell for criticisms.

Correct identification of remains of cultivated plants is prerequisite to a reasonable concept of the early history of these plants and of agriculture in general. Sooner or later faulty or incomplete identification may lead to wrong conclusions and thus, on the one hand, obscure connections between places and peoples which might otherwise be indicated by contemporary cultivated plants, or on the other, suggest interrelations which did not exist.

Perhaps of all countries in the world Egypt is the one which has yielded the most material for the study of ancient plant husbandry, and yet the introduction of the plants into that country and the species grown is not yet fully elucidated.

Until quite recently Emmer (Triticum dicoccum Schübl.) was the only species of wheat reported in deposits of prehistoric and dynastic Egypt up to the Ptolemaean period. Then Eincorn (Triticum monococcum L.) was added to the list, in that its presence in the Late Neolithic find at el Omari near Helouan, and in the third dynasty tomb of Pharaoh Zoser at Saqqara was claimed by various authors. These identifications were disputed on the basis of reasonable doubt, but no documentation has hitherto been offered to prove the claim or the validity of the protest.

The extensive prehistoric flint mining site of Grime's Graves occupïes high ground near the Southern boundary of Norfolk, at a maximum of 100 feet above O.D. It is set amidst wild undulating breck land, here and there densely clothed in bracken, the extensive belts separated by spaces of close cropped turf, or brown heath, conspicuously sprinkled with white patinated flints, a prodigious number of which are flakes of human production.

Many of the hill-tops are crowned by plantations of hardwood and coniferous trees, but there is no evidence that this lonely land of wide expanses was ever more than thinly covered by native timber and one feels that the country as seen to-day is much as the ancient flint miners knew it, thousands of years ago.

Though now so lonely and isolated, for neither high road nor dwelling exists within a mile radius, it was obviously once the centre of great activity, for the total mined area is not less than 34 acres in extent.

Of this, 16½ acres are occupied by 366 cup-shaped hollows, varying from 12 to 70 feet in diameter, all plainly visible on the surface and each denoting an ancient mine shaft. Over the remaining 17½ acres there are no surface indications to suggest the presence of underlying shafts, but excavations during the last four years have definitely established their existence and proved the area to be closely crowded with mine shafts of small diameter.

This paper considers the future for cultural heritage in the new Millennium. It briefly discusses recent developments towards the protection, management, and conservation of archaeological remains and monuments at an international level and of public attitudes towards cultural heritage. The power of certain heritage sites to attract visitors and their indispensible role in the tourist industry is considered, with the current plans for Stonehenge presented as a case study. Research Frameworks for archaeology were defined in the early 1980s and the role of the Prehistoric Society in formulating these, and the extent to which they have been implemented, is described. The paper concludes with the author's suggestion of four main themes for the next Millennium which should be the concern of the discipline in general and of the Society in particular.

In the course of making a digital record of a bow engraved on the lower face of a capstone in the Déhus passage grave, on Guernsey, several new motifs were observed, necessitating a reinterpretation of the composition as a whole.

While the presence of a bow and two arrows is confirmed by photogrammetry and images obtained under directional lighting, the anthropomorphic figure can now be better defined, and compared to figures recently recognised in the Paris Basin. The presence of ‘hands’, however, cannot be confirmed, and these engravings may instead represent two horned animals in contact with two further motifs, one of which is certainly a throwing stick.

This note reports the results of three radiocarbon determinations on material from two pits in Amesbury parish, one of which, Chalk Plaque Pit, has been published in this journal (Harding 1988). The other pit, at Ratfyn, Amesbury, was excavated in the 1930s and published by Stone (1935). As part of the same research project the shell inclusions in Grooved Ware from these features, and from a similar feature at Woodlands (Stone & Young 1948; Stone 1949), were identified and the presence of glauconite in Grooved Ware from the area established.