For several years, whenever time permitted, I have worked on a book, Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule, covering the centuries between the conquest of Gallipoli in 1354 and the beginning of the Serb revolt in 1804. As the title of my study indicates, it covers only the Balkan Peninsula, Hungary, and Romania. It is not a history of the Ottomans in Europe, but an attempt to present the story of the people who lived under Ottoman rule.

Before broaching the main topic of this study, there seem to me to be two general issues involving terms in the title which need to be addressed: The one concerns nomenclature, the other the question of genres. A certain vagueness colors most attempts at definition of the term “novella,” something which seems the result of both the way in which the term has developed and the considerable differences of opinion among critics. Thus the Oxford English Dictionary seems to reflect the relatively recent interest in the genre in the English-speaking world by not including the word at all in the main part of the dictionary and by defining it in the Supplement as “a short novel (as in the stories of Boccaccio's Decameron).” As Howard Nemerov points out, however, “the term ‘short novel’ is descriptive only in the way that the term ‘Middle Ages’ is descriptive—that is, not at all, except with regard to the territory on either side.” The index to the English translation of Todorov's Poetics of Prose lists: Novella, see Tale. Such entries as these do at least convey to us the notion that the novella operates somewhere along a fictional spectrum, the two poles of which are the novel and the short story, but that is all.

In several Middle Eastern countries, bedouin law, which exists only in an oral tradition, is today applied alongsidethe increasingly used shariʿa and civil law. Jurisdiction among these three judicial systems is compartmentalized, but sometimes categorizing of individual cases is difficult. Bedouin law also differs considerably from one region to another. The bedouin in this study belong to the ʿArab alʿAzazme, the tribe that inhabits the area stretching from Beer-Sheba (Israel) southward. My acquaintance with the southern tribes in the Sde Boqer vicinity dates from 1980. I recorded the first case in 1982, and the second, which helped me substantiate the first, in autumn 1987.

On 7 April 1971 Professor Roger LeTourneau died unexpectedly at Aix-en-Provence following routine surgery. A founding member of the Middle East Studies Association of North America, and a member of the editorial board of the International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Professor LeTourneau had for over a decade taken an active role in encouraging the development of Middle Eastern Studies in the United States, especially in the growth of his field of specialization, the history of North Africa. His influence, both personal and professional, and his contribution to scholarship were exceptional.

Before the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan on December 27, 1979, a study of the economic relations between the two countries might have been based on the proposition that each country would maximize the gains to itself from the set of economic transactions consisting of bilateral trade, transit trade, and capital assistance to Afghanistan, its term structure, and repayment rates and schedule. Further, it could have been argued that the division of the gains from these transactions would have been a function of the demand and cost conditions in each country, as well as the relative bargaining positions of a small versus a large country, which could have been influenced by the availability of alternative sources for commodity trade and the supply of capital from the rest of the world.

The first President of the Middle East Studies Association and one of its principal founders, Gustave E. von Grunebaum, died of cancer in Los Angeles, California, on 27 February 1972, at the age of sixty-two. Born in Vienna on I September 1909, he belonged to a family well established in the economic and intellectual life of the old Austrian Empire, which was soon to pass into history but not without leaving to some among the younger generation the legacy of an open-minded cosmopolitanism, a wide participation in Europe's multilingual structure, and a keen enjoyment of style and elegance in the material and spiritual pleasures of life. Von Grunebaum was not given to speaking much about himself, and I do not recall that he ever mentioned to me why he chose Oriental studies as his subject at the University of Vienna, nor did I meet him when he, a Ph.D. recipient not yet 22 years old, came for a year of postgraduate study (1932-3) to Berlin where I had just begun my studies. Soon the second collapse of the world that had nurtured him came with the infamous Anschluss of 1938. Because of his clear perception of the new barbarism as completely antithetical to all the values he cherished, he left for the United States to join the Asia Institute in New York, where Arthur Upham Pope (1881-1969) was making an heroic, and greatly successful, effort to give displaced European Orientalists a new start. While his first five years in the United States were not easy, they brought such compensations as sharing in the intellectual atmosphere of a New York so different, yet in certain respects similar, to that of Europe,uninterrupted work in the quiet of the Oriental Reading Room of the New York Public Library, small and cramped but friendly in addition to containing what was then the best collection of Arabic books in America and, above all, getting married to his Austrian sweetheart Giselle Steuerman as soon as she was able to reach this country.

The writings of Jurjî Zaidân constitute an important contribution to the secular intellectual awakening of the Arabs in the nineteenth century. The trend toward non-traditional thought had been initiated by the confrontation with the overpowering Western civilization, which threatened the established socio-political order and questioned the validity of the traditional identity and cultural values. To an increasing degree intellectual discussion in the Arab World — as in many other parts of the world — concentrated upon the concept of nationalism. It is in this context that we shall have to discuss the thought of Jurjî Zaidân. Nationalism appeared to be the most efficient means to establish an identity that could resist the Western impact:

The Middle East was overwhelmed by Europe; self-affirmation in nationalistic terms was part of its defense. Backwardness could be overcome by assimilation, but assimilation would obliterate identity. Nationalism would provide the incentive to progress and at the same time a barrier to self-obliteration.

This article examines Americans' uses of the Ottoman-Turkish past to justify different approaches to “Third World” development. Such invocations exposed tensions within American liberalism and projected them onto Middle Eastern history. One interpretation criticized Tanzimat land reform to emphasize agrarian democracy as the impetus for the development process. Another, reflecting postwar liberals' predilection for elite authority, relegated democracy to the end of that process by embracing Kemalism as its model. The article concludes by arguing that Ottoman historians influenced the modernization paradigm as much as it did them. H. A. R. Gibb and Harold Bowen transmitted Ottoman reform discourses to social scientists through Islamic Society and the West, which the authors based on reform-era writings at a time when archival research was just beginning to transform Ottoman studies. Cold War intellectuals and bureaucrats appropriated their Ottoman predecessors' temporal and spatial perspectives in the effort to manage Third World change

Contemporary and later Arabic texts provide much evidence that wayward conduct by elite young adult males was a source of considerable stress in early Abbasid cities. This brief essay turns on a question: to what extent is such conduct to be attributed to concubinage? I treat two sample texts, each describing untoward activity on the part of well-placed adult sons and its impact on the Abbasid body politic. Neither text, however, speaks to concubinage. What follows, then, is an argument from circumstantial evidence. Concubinage seems a most likely source, and so can reasonably be connected to the broader patterns of social disjunction of the first Abbasid period (roughly the mid-8th to mid-10th centuries).

How do perceptions of not belonging inform economic life? For many young Omanis, the labor market is a site of contestation and a space of struggle. In this essay, I explore a neglected dimension of belonging in the Gulf—citizen labor—by looking at Omani millennials in the labor market. Despite holding legal citizenship, a sense of belonging remains elusive in much of the private sector. Many Omani young people perceive a tenuous economic citizenship, complicating narratives around belonging or not belonging in the Arabian Peninsula. I draw from lessons learned while researching my current book and exploring social relations and regulation of labor markets, and reflect on how the knowledge and theories produced concerning Gulf labor markets rarely engage with the citizens in them.