The Polop Alto valley, in eastern Spain, serves as the focus of a study of long-term temporal and spatial dynamics in human land use. The data discussed here derive from intensive, pedestrian, non-site survey. We employ the concept of artifact taphonomy to assess the various natural and cultural processes responsible for accumulation and distribution patterns of artifacts. Our results suggest that the most significant land-use changes in the Polop Alto took place at the end of the Pleistocene and accompanying the late Neolithic, while much less notable changes in land-use patterns are associated with the Middle-Upper Paleolithic transition and the initial use of domestic plants and animals in the valley.

Radiocarbon measurements have been obtained on contemporary plant samples collected at the site of Monte Verde, Chile, to examine the possibility that a local l4C reservoir effect impinges on the accuracy of the l4C values obtained on previously recovered archaeological samples. The l4C activity of the modern plants do not reveal any offset from expected contemporary l4C values and thus provide no support for a major postulated reservoir effect at least for the recent past. Although there is, at present, no direct means of measuring potential l4C reservoir offsets in the late Pleistocene for this region, we are not aware of any current data that would indicate that there have been major changes during geologically recent times.

The question of Fire-Cracked Rock (FCR) in Woodland contexts has become an important and controversial topic in Western Great Lakes archaeology. There are no clear and widely accepted criteria for distinguishing FCR when the rocks show no observable characteristics associated with fire (heating and cooling). To help overcome this shortcoming, we analyzed both the thermoluminescence (TL) and the optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) of alkali feldspar grains from a series of six samples of FCR from the Hannaford site in northern Minnesota. A geologic unheated specimen from the same geographic area was used as a control sample. A comparison of the luminescence (TL and OSL) intensities of both natural and natural plus artificial dose signals allowed us to demonstrate that the six selected samples of FCR had been effectively heated at the time of archaeological settlement. The good agreement between the TL and OSL results suggests that the OSL method is a viable alternative to TL for the identification of FCR. The OSL method requires less material, can be applied to a large number of samples, and is more cost-effective.

I examine how a cognitive archaeology may best be advanced by focusing on Intentionality, the mental property that acts as the causal interface in the human-world interaction. I call this approach symbolic pragmatics. The argument is that, through style as the symbolic medium, material culture is endowed by its users with a form of derived Intentionality that is expressively imposed on it in the moment of usage. The central heuristic is the notion of the legal warrant as a pragmatic symbol that transforms behavioral interventions into the types of social activities (intended) they are. In the same way, material cultural style symbolically endows its users with pragmatic or action-constitutive powers that transform their material interventions into the social activities they (intend) are. I apply the warranting model to interpreting the Old Copper Culture Complex, arguing that its copper/stone duality manifests a structuring of the material activities of this society into two complementary water and land ecological spheres.

Despite the importance attributed to the study of storage behavior, little research has been conducted to determine whether it is even possible to distinguish storage áreas from refuse áreas. Archaeologists routinely separate storage pits from trash pits, but few have systematically investigated the defining characteristics of each. This study suggests that there is an archaeologically visible signature that can help researchers correctly interpret these loci. Research at occupied and recently abandoned camps among the now sedentary residents of Kutse in the Kalahari Desert of Botswana shows that refuse areas have a more homogeneous artifact inventory, regardless of the number of objects present. In contrast, non-trash activity areas at the same camps have a more heterogeneous, or diverse, inventory. The applicability and utility of this finding to the archaeological record is evaluated through the analysis of a Pueblo II Anasazi archaeological site from the southwestern United States. Patterns first recognized ethnoarchaeologically also appear to be recognizable in the archaeological record using the same methods. The results indicate that the statistical tests described here are applicable to distinguishing trash from other activity areas at archaeological sites.

The integration of archaeology and paleoecology has allowed a fuller understanding of the history of southern Haida Gwaii and provided insights into the regional history of coastal occupation in northwestern North America. Of particular consequence is the history of sea-level fluctuations during the late-glacial and early Holocene. The modern shore holds only part of the history of coastal occupation. Much is flooded or hidden in the rainforest. In southern Haida Gwaii, shorelines dating from 13,000 to 9,500 B.P. are deeply drowned while those dating from 9,200 to 3,000 B.P. are stranded in the rainforest up to 15 meters above modern levels. Shorelines have been approximately coincident with the current position for only the last two to three millennia and for a century or two centered around 9,400 B.P. Modeling these paleoshorelines has led to discovery and investigation of a number of early Holocene archaeological sites.

Space syntax analysis is a popular method for investigating social processes by quantifying the relationships among architectural spaces. Identification of spatial patterns is straightforward, but interpretation is less so. In this study, segregated spatial patterns were assumed to indicate the presence of social inequality. A space syntax analysis was conducted for Guadalupe Ruin, an excavated, outlying Chacoan great house with three well-dated construction episodes. The study investigated great house function and social context. Results seemed contradictory until room function and pueblo layout were incorporated into the interpretation. The great house can be understood as an group of separate but equal household units accessible primarily through the roof and plaza. Analyzed as a discrete entity, Guadalupe Ruin appears to have been a domestic building rather than an administrative or ceremonial facility. However, topographic restrictions and other differences with the surrounding community of small sites need to be explored through an expanded study at the community level. Comparison of the Guadalupe study with other great house space syntax analyses supports the recognition that Chacoan great houses varied considerably across time and space.

Two raven skeletons were excavated from Charlie Lake Cave, British Columbia, in association with Paleoindian occupations dated at about 10,500 and 9500 B.P. The distribution and condition of the bones, the association with artifacts, the configuration and location of the site, and data from ethnographic and historic sources contribute to the argument that the two ravens were deposited deliberately by people.

The longevity of ceramic vessels in ethnographic contexts has been reported from several ceramic-using groups. Several methods have been used to derive estimates of the mean uselives of ceramic classes. Among them, the Kalinga Ethnoarchaeological Project employed a method based on a series of ceramic inventories since 1975. This inventory method recorded large number of pots, much more than any other previous studies, to ensure the representativeness of uselife estimates. Another data set of ceramic breakage collected by the project reveals that biases against short-lived pots were introduced by the inventory method. As a result, ceramic uselife estimated by the inventory method appears to be too long, and the revised estimates are similar to those observed in other contexts. This paper identifies the biases intrinsic to the inventory method and suggests revised uselife figures.

Radiocarbon dates for the terminal Pleistocene are about 2,000 years too young. Furthermore, because of significant carbon perturbations that are manifest as plateaus or abrupt jumps in age, radiocarbon dates of ca. 12,500 to 10,000 B.P. [14C] must be critically evaluated. The first successful human colonization of the Americas occurred not 11,500 but about 13,500 years ago. This basic chronological revision has important implications for models of Paleoindian colonization, population expansion, and genetic and linguistic divergence.

Food-grinding tools in both the New World and the Old World have long been used as subsistence indicators. Previously, variations in tool size and material texture were presumed to have been related to processing differences between wild and domestic foods. However, recent research conclusions from both the U.S. Southwest and the Levant indicate that tool morphology is more closely related to differing processing strategies than to the food procurement system. Ethnographic accounts of food preparation techniques and tool design experiments provide a foundation for new methods of assessing prehistoric food processing techniques. Food-processing techniques from eight distinct cultural groups in the U.S. Southwest provide examples of how foods might have been incorporated into the prehistoric diet. Experiments with prehistoric food-grinding tool types demonstrate their effectiveness for reducing assorted seeds and maize kernels and helping to identify criteria for a technological analysis of grinding tool types. Archaeological assemblages from selected sites in the U.S. Southwest are evaluated with these criteria and used to discuss the relationship between grinding technology and the introduction of and increasing dependency on agriculture. It is proposed that developments in food-grinding technology are related to processing strategies for incorporating flour into prehistoric diets.

A radiocarbon date of A.D. 1070 ± 60 was linked to the remains of maize (Zea mays), beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), and squash (Cucñrbita pepo) at the Roundtop site in the Susquehanna River valley of New York by William Ritchie in 1969 and 1973 publications. This date established the presence of beans in the Northeast at an earlier time than in most other areas of the eastern United States, where they are generally rare before A.D. 1300. Subsequently beans have been reported in pre-A.D.1300 contexts from at least eight other sites in the Northeast. Recent calibrated AMS dates on beans from Roundtop are no earlier than A.D. 1300 (Hart 1999a). Given that the original Roundtop date was responsible for the acceptance of early beans in the Northeast, the AMS dates suggested that beans may not become archaeologically visible there until ca. A.D. 1300. AMS dates on beans from four other sites, reported here, substantiate the Roundtop results. Beans and by extension maize-beans-squash intercropping are not evident in the Northeast before ca. A.D. 1300.

To fully understand prehistoric land use patterns, we must define how prehistoric peoples used particular places on the landscape over longer periods of time. Factors influencing the multi-year use of particular places include human modifications to the landscape as a result of previous occupations. The construction of relatively elaborate and costly facilities for anticipated reuse is one type of modification associated with the repeated occupation of specific locations. Slab-lined cylindrical basins of southwest Wyoming are an example of that type of facility. The archaeological evidence indicates that prehistoric hunter-gatherers repeatedly reused some of these basins on a periodic basis over periods as long as 500 years and reoccupied some locales containing such facilities over a period of more than 2,000 years. The construction of such facilities and the repeated occupation of those locales were apparently related to the procurement and processing of a stable, predictable resource. Biscuitroot was the most likely target resource procured and processed at these locales.

Archaeologists and ethnohistorians have long been interested in quantifying potential maize productivity for late prehistoric and early historic Native Americans of the Eastern Woodlands. Maize yields obtained by Native Americans using traditional farming techniques in the nineteenth century are compared to yields obtained by nineteenth-century Native Americans using plows, and nineteenth- and twentieth-century farmers in Illinois and Missouri. The result is a notion of average resource productivity for maize that is more reasonable and modest than previous estimates. In this study, the mean yield of maize for nineteenth-century Native American groups who did not use plows was 18.9 bu/acre (stdev=4.1) (1,185.4 kg/ha [stdev=254.1]). Yields on the order of 10 bu/acre (627.2 kg/ha) probably are closer to the average prehistoric yields that were available for subsistence purposes. The mean size of gardens cultivated by nineteenth-century Native American families without plows was .59 acre (stdev=.45) (.24 ha [stdev=.18]). These newly compiled data are used to generate a model of nuclear family household economy and minimal and maximal garden sizes given different levels of maize productivity and consumption. Population estimates made on the basis of previous assessments of high rates of resource productivity will need to be reevaluated.

Models of Archaic period economy in the Lower Pecos River region of southwest Texas and Coahuila, Mexico, are based primarily on coprolite, faunal, and macroplant analysis of materials recovered from rockshelters. The models maintain that during the Middle Archaic period residential mobility is reduced and tethered to rockshelters in canyons near water, and diet dominated by the plant resources lechuguilla (Agave lechuguilla), sotol (Dasylirion texanum), and prickly pear (Opuntia spp.). I use archaeobotanical analysis and actualistic studies to determine the contents of earth-oven features, the number of plant food calories produced by ovens, and the quantity of refuse they generate. Considered within the framework of a diet-breadth model, the data demonstrate that return rates and caloric yields for lechuguilla and sotol processed in earth ovens are typical of a broad spectrum, low-return economy. Intensive use of these low-ranked resources indicates periods of subsistence stress beginning in the Early Archaic period and continuing through the Late Archaic. Use of low-ranked, high-cost resources in canyon zones indicates that food and fuel resources were quickly depleted forcing high residential mobility. Depletion of local resources, not the distribution of water sources governed residential mobility.

Experimental replications show that ridge breadth measurements from fingerprints on archaeological artifacts can be used to estimate the age of the individual who produced the prints. While the greatest amount of variability in human ridge breadth is due to the growth during development from birth to adulthood, there is also variability due to hand and body size, sex, and ethnicity. Despite these confounding variables, the variability due to age is great enough to allow the separation of children’s prints from those of adults using ridge breadths. The utility of this measurement is illustrated with a short case study using ceramic vessels and figurines from northern Arizona. This discovery has great potential for illuminating some of the roles that children played in prehistory.

Petrographic analyses were made of 386 utilitarian pottery vessels from 23 dated components of 18 Early Woodland through early Fort Ancient period sites (ca. 1150 B.C.–A.D. 1300) in south-central Ohio. The analyses reveal that a significant percentage ( 11.6 percent) of the 386 vessels bear uncolored (i.e., unpigmented) pottery slips and washes, that these surface materials were common (>56 percent) among the 23 sampled components, and that they were produced throughout most of the examined prehistoric sequence, including the earliest Early Woodland, when pottery making began in the Midwest. In contrast, a literature review indicates that uncolored slips and washes are unrecorded for utilitarian wares in the prehistoric Eastern Woodlands, that both colored and uncolored slips are unknown for any ceramics of the Early Woodland period, and that colored slips or washes in the pre-Mississippian Midwest have been observed in only low frequencies. Electron microprobe analysis of seven sherds show the compositional similarity of the clays of slips to the clays of their associated vessel bodies, indicating that the slips were made from the same raw clays as the bodies, but with no or little added rock temper and/or with the sieving of the slip clay. Contextual analyses give further insights, including the possible uses of slips and washes for decoration and to decrease vessel wall permeability. Calcite and apatite coatings on the vessel surfaces also were observed and are interpreted. Results indicate greater continuity between and Midwestern and Southeastern United States in ceramic technology than previously thought, and suggest a need for caution in electron microprobe and INAA chemical studies of Midwestern ceramics.

Paint types on black-on-white pottery in the prehistoric American Southwest have had significance for both chronological and sociocultural interpretations. Visual attributes have formed the basis for distinguishing carbon- and mineral-based paints on ancient black-on-white pottery in the American Southwest for over 60 years. In this study, an SEM-EDS (scanning electron microscope-energy dispersive X-ray spectrometer) system was first used to make an independent objective determination of the mineral or non-mineral paint present on 15 Mesa Verde White Ware sherds. Then, a group of 19 people (including experienced archaeologists and newly trained individuals) examined and classified the paint on these sherds, achieving an overall accuracy of 84.2 percent. This group also ranked in priority order the visual attributes they felt were most useful in determining pottery paint type: nature of edges (fuzzy, sharp), absorption (soaks in, sits on top), luster (shiny, dull), color range (black-gray-blue; black-brown-reddish), flakiness (doesn't flake off, flakes off), thickness (thin, thick), and surface polish (polish striations visible through paint, striations not visible through paint). In each case, the attribute applicable to carbon-based paint is listed first. The most difficult sherds for the group to identify displayed attributes of both carbon and mineral paints. A category for "mixed" paint type, already in use by archaeologists, is a reasonable third category for labeling sherd paint, as long as it does not become a "catch-all" category. For problematic sherds, the SEM-EDS can be used to characterize paint type, then the visual attributes adjusted to improve investigator accuracy in paint type determination.

In this paper, we report on our examination of the suitability of geochemical provenance studies on red ochre sources from western North America. We report geochemical data derived from PIXE (particle-induced X-ray emission) analysis of eight red ochre sources from California, Oregon, Wyoming, and Alaska. Our preliminary analysis of these red ochres, including multiple samples from one large deposit, suggests that the tested samples vary significantly between sources. It appears likely that the geochemical analysis of red ochres, widely used and traded among Native Americans and other ancient peoples around the world, could expand the range of materials used by archaeologists and other scholars to reconstruct past exchange and interaction systems.

Methods of empirical Bayesian statistical inference can help archaeologists deal with problems inherent in variably-sized and, particularly, small artifact samples. The desirability of systematically controlling random effects of sampling error when mapping estimates of artifact type proportions is emphasized in this paper, and concrete examples are provided using ceramic data from the Central Mexican city of Teotihuacan. A Bayesian approach also may be beneficial for pretreating data destined for other kinds of quantitative analysis, such as exploratory multivariate analysis. Correspondence analysis using observed proportions of different types of pottery in assemblages pertaining to the Xolalpan and Metepec phases produces vague results that suggest little in the way of interpretable structure. However, a parallel analysis using posterior estimates of proportions reveals meaningful associations of ceramic categories that appear to relate to more general dimensions of behavioral variability.