Ball courts are well-known features of Mesoamerican societies and of the Hohokam culture of the American Southwest. In both cases, the courts are argued to have served a range of ritual, economic, and political purposes. Ball courts have long been known to exist in the northwestern Mexican states of Chihuahua and Sonora as well as in the adjacent portion of New Mexico, although they have never been extensively described or interpreted. This paper presents a large, new set of ball court data for the area around the great Prehispanic center of Paquime (or Casas Grandes), Chihuahua. These data suggest that the region around Paquime may have been characterized by a relatively low level of political centralization, regardless of the social and economic alliances that existed among neighboring communities.

Research on natural processes that cause erosion and, in particular, studies of wave action, sediment transport, and ice movement offers guidance for understanding and predicting what can happen to archaeological remains exposed in the shoreline fluctuation zones of impounded water bodies. A field experiment to examine the effects of wave action and ice movement on stone artifacts placed in a fluctuation zone demonstrates that archaeological materials can be moved considerable distances over a single season. The experiment suggests that caution is necessary for accurately interpreting the meaning of archaeological specimens found on the shores of artificially impounded water bodies.

Systematic quantitative analysis of desiccated human paleofeces from two rockshelters in eastern Kentucky has yielded new evidence for early agricultural diet in eastern North America. Results indicate that native cultigens (including sumpweed, sunflower, and chenopod) were sometimes significant dietary constituents as early as ca. 1000 B.C., at least a millennium before agricultural economies became widespread across the region. However, variability in the quantity and frequency of cultigen remains suggests a dietary role that was somewhat limited compared to the practices of later Woodland period farmers. The predictions of foraging theory suggest that the utilization of cultigens would have been most advantageous in spring and summer (when many other foods were scarce) or in years of poor production by nut-bearing trees. The causal link between food storage and the development of food production in eastern Kentucky receives some empirical support and warrants further investigation.

The anatomical details of a birth scene depicted on Classic Mimbres (A.D. 1000-1150) bowls from southwestern New Mexico can provide clues to gender relations in Classic Mimbres society. The scenes show an infant emerging facing forward (unusual in human birth) with its arms up (virtually unknown in human birth). These details suggest that the scene was painted by someone unfamiliar with the birthing process. Ethnographically, men rarely see human births. Thus, it is likely that the birth scene, and perhaps other Mimbres pottery designs, were painted by men.

In 1953 human remains and a new type of Paleoindian artifact were discovered eroding from a "blowout" in a small dune field along Monahans Draw, near Midland, Texas, on the Southern High Plains. The projectile points became the type “Midland” collection. Stratigraphy, radiometric dating, paleontology, and geochemistry suggested that the artifacts and bones dated to at least 10,000 B.P. and that the human remains were possibly as old as 20,000 B.P. The researchers believed that the human bones were from below a red sand that in turn was below a Folsom occupation. The dating of the human remains has long been problematic, however, and recent attempts to apply U-series dating further confuse the story. Geoarchaeological investigations were carried out at the site from 1989 to 1992 to reevaluate the geochronology, with particular reference to the age of the skeletal material. We reach several conclusions: (1) there are two Red Sands; (2) the human remains are from below the upper Red Sand, but the Folsom material is from above the lower Red Sand and, therefore, the Red Sand stratigraphy is not relevant to the age of the human remains; (3) the human remains were associated with the valley-margin facies of a lacustrine carbonate that is well dated in the region and rarely is > 10,000 B.P.; and (4) all numerical dating methods applied at the site produced unreliable results. We find no compelling evidence that the human remains from the Midland site are older than Folsom age; they may be contemporary with or younger than the Folsom occupation.

Despite the central role that kinship plays in key anthropological arguments, recent archaeological efforts to detect kinship have been notably scarce. Here, age and sex distributions and dental morphology traits that reflect genetic affinity are used to argue that specific kin groups were buried in formal, spatially discrete cemeteries in the ancestral Zuni settlement of Hawikku. The inferred kin groups are then used to investigate Hawikku political structure. Results show that community leaders, identified on the basis of mortuary treatments and grave offerings, were selected from a small number of kin groups, suggesting an ascriptive element to leadership selection.

The inventory and analysis of 4,294 pieces of wood remaining in Pueblo Bonito are described. This site, long a keystone for interpreting the Chacoan Phenomenon in the San Juan Basin of northwestern New Mexico, reveals a fascinating history in the procurement, use, and reuse of wood through time. The long use of the site portrays a complex picture of wood procurement for construction from the A.D. 800s through the early A.D. 1100s, and its reuse in both prehistoric and historic times. Major construction periods are tree-ring dated to the mid-A.D. 800s, between A.D. 1047 and 1049, and between A.D. 1077 and 1082. Many of the construction events appear causally related to decade-long wet periods, when food surplus could accumulate. The use of wood at Pueblo Bonito mirrors a larger system of cultural behavior important for our interpretation of the development and demise of the Chacoan system.

Neutron activation analysis of Mississippian sherds from 21 regions across the Southeast has revealed the existence of distinctive chemical groups that are associated with four large geographical areas. One such group is associated with sites along the Mississippi River and its western tributaries, a second is associated with sites on the Appalachian Rim in Tennessee, a third is associated with sites on the Piedmont and associated drainages, and a fourth is associated with sites in Alabama. This pattern reflects the existence of several large, clay-mineral provinces in the Southeast that now can be recognized as sources in future studies of long-distance exchange.

Fresnal Shelter is one of few known preceramic sites in southern New Mexico with evidence of early agriculture. Recent tandem accelerating mass spectrometer (TAMS) radiocarbon determinations on corn and bean samples indicate that cultigens were used at this site as early as 2945 ± 55 B.P. In addition to providing more evidence of Late Archaic agriculture in the desert regions of the American Southwest, these new data and other previously unpublished radiocarbon dates from the site also illustrate the problem of relying on wood charcoal dates in association with cultigens to determine the age of early agriculture.

Fire hearths associated with prehistoric Native American occupation lie within the youngest buried lowland soil of the estuaries along the Salmon and Nehalem rivers on the northern Oregon coast. This buried soil is the result of sudden subsidence induced by a great earthquake about 300 years ago along the Cascadia subduction zone, which extends offshore along the North Pacific Coast from Vancouver Island to northern California. The earthquake 300 years ago was the latest in a series of subsidence events along the Cascadia subduction zone over the last several thousand years. Over the long term, subsidence and burial of prehistoric settlements as a result of Cascadia subduction zone earthquakes have almost certainly been an important factor contributing to the limited time depth of the archaeological record along this section of the North Pacific Coast.

Production organization of Tusayan White and Gray wares (A.D. 850–1150) in northeastern Arizona was inferred from four independent lines of evidence: (1) association between temper class and geological zone, (2) distribution of intermediate pottery having characteristics of coterminous wares, (3) portable vessel frequencies in the core and peripheral areas, and (4) distribution of items and features related to pottery making. In spite of the propositions made by some scholars that specialized ceramic production and a large-scale ceramic exchange were the case, the present analysis strongly indicates the prevalence of household production with a minimal occurrence of exchange in the core area of these wares during the period. In the right circumstances, a low-technology approach is more useful than high-technology and high-cost approaches, e.g., neutron activation, X-ray emission, thin-section analysis, in the study of production and exchange of prehistoric ceramics.

Archaeologists, especially those doing regional surveys, generally assume that there is a correlation between the areal extent of a habitation site and the number of people living at that site. This paper uses a combination of archaeological and historical data from the Peruvian Andes to examine this assumption. We find that, in this case, only a weak correlation holds between these two factors. However, a consideration of site function and topography may render the apparent ambiguities understandable.

The idea of archaeology as craft challenges the separation of reasoning and execution that characterizes the field today. The Arts and Crafts Movement of the late nineteenth century established craftwork as an aesthetic of opposition. We establish craft in a Marxian critique of alienated labor, and we propose a unified practice of hand, heart, and mind for archaeology. The debates engendered by postprocessual archaeology have firmly situated archaeology in the present as a cultural and political practice. Many, however, still do not know how to work with these ideas. We argue that a resolution to this dilemma lies in thinking of archaeology as a craft. This resolution does not provide a method, or a cookbook, for the practice of archaeology, as indeed the core of our argument is that attempts at such standardization lie at the heart of the alienation of archaeology. Rather, we wish to consider archaeology as a mode of cultural productión, a unified method practiced by archaeologist, “client” public, and contemporary society.

Snow has recently challenged the in situ theory of the origins of the Northern Iroquois, arguing that it is a controlling model that does not account for certain linguistic, social, ceramic, and settlement anomalies he identifies in the record of prehistoric Iroquoian development. He proposes a migration model that purports to respond to these anomalies. Data recently gathered from a project focusing on the Princess Point Complex of southern Ontario shed light on Snow’s hypothesis for a migration after A.D. 900. These new data do not support Snow’s migration scenario, at least as this model concerns Ontario and Princess Point.