As is now widely recognised, children, but especially daughters, are often involved in providing their elderly infirm parent(s) with care and tending. This paper seeks to examine two aspects of this care provision. First, how it relates to the nature of kinship solidarity between parents and adult children during other phases of their lives. More specifically, it will be suggested that while children are usually thought to bear some responsibility for their parents' welfare, actually providing support can none the less entail a far more extensive commitment than is normally expected of them. Yet the paradox is that such caring often seems to intensify feelings of responsibility rather than generate a sense of moral worth amongst those most highly involved. The second part of the paper examines some of the factors responsible for this. It will argue that the responses of carers to their situation need to be understood in terms of the immediate social environment in which they find themselves. In particular, what needs to be recognised is the sense of individual, rather than shared or collective, responsibility which develops.

This article reports a study of the social networks of recent applicants to the social welfare bureaux of Jerusalem. Beyond review of the relevant study variables as reflected in the literature, and an overview of Israeli social services for the aged, the article addresses why the social networks of the elderly claimants turned to formal assistance. The study revealed that networks were most likely to be the source of referral to social services when the applicant was frail, and the presenting problem was the need for institutional care. Multivariate analysis revealed that the degree of network-initiated contact with the social worker was significantly related to these same factors. Networks of the elderly seemed to turn to formal social services as a substitute for their own caregiving, rather than as a source for interweaving informal and formal care. The implications of the findings for social service policy are discussed.

This paper takes as its starting point the historical debate about the respective roles of family and state in providing, where necessary, for the elderly population. Using the original data cards from the New Survey of London it is possible to consider this in the light of the experience of the working class in London in the early 1930s by analysing data on household composition and income. This is the first time that data on household composition have been assembled for the period after 1881 and before the Census authorities themselves began systematically publishing results from 1951. The picture which emerges, supported by analyses of the income of the elderly, suggests that in this period the role of the family was small, though important no doubt in certain critical situations. It is recognised however that analyses of household structure go only part of the way in illuminating the very complex patterns of assistance which existed. We go on therefore to consider the limitations of this approach and speculate briefly on wider kinship networks, and their potential for assistance.

This paper draws on a 1980 sample survey of middle-aged and elderly residents of a medium-sized Canadian city (N = 464). Few parents and grown-up children discussed in advance what might happen should parents become seriously ill or unable to look after themselves. However, most respondents did feel these matters should be discussed in advance, and most felt that parents should be the ones to raise these issues. This was true for both the middle-aged and the elderly. Elderly men rarely discussed their wives' futures with their children. Both the middle-aged and the elderly rarely talked with siblings or friends about the possibility of their own or their parents' dependency. Discussions that took place were often precipitated by illness. However, children expressed a great deal of concern for parents, especially for older parents. A variety of possible contributing explanations are suggested. These range from unwillingness to acknowledge changing family structure and mortality to parents' view on non-family-provided services.