As one goes through the numerous publications concerning East Africa, it becomes apparent that certain subjects have rarely been approached, having been neglected or even totally ignored. Such is the case concerning the problems linked with the Hadrami diaspora, the extended study of which—apart from a few notable exceptions—has not yet aroused the interest of historians or the curiosity of anthropologists.

This article examines the relationship of formal and informal land-tenure systems to processes of agrarian change. Although it is often assumed that formal legal recognition of private rights in land can help to transform agriculture, causal links between particular tenure systems and agrarian processes are not easily demonstrated. It is difficult to separate the effects of land tenure from those of a host of other influences on agriculture. A number of studies have pointed to causal relationships among high population density, agricultural intensity, and individualisation of land rights (Podolefsky, 1987). Nevertheless, formal privatisation per se may have relatively little effect on processes of agrarian change, even in an economy where land is productive and scarce and where its distribution is relatively unequal.

The objective of this paper is to examine the nature of the interface between two systems of land tenure in an area of smallholdings, Murang'a District, Central Province, Kenya. The first, the ng'undu system, evolved in the fertile, dissected plateau area east of the Nyandarua Range since the Kikuyu migrated there in the early seventeenth century (Muriuki, 1974: 62–82; Government of Kenya, 1929: 6); the second, a freehold system of individual land tenure, was introduced by the colonial state in the mid-1950s as a political instrument to counter the force of Mau Mau (Lamb, 1974; Leys, 1975). The latter system, it was intended, would replace the former, thereby laying the basis for an intensification of African agriculture which was also, under the Swynnerton Plan, to include production for the urban and export markets (Heyer, 1981; House and Killick, 1983). Commitment to this same principle continues to inform present agricultural policy (Government of Kenya, 1984a, Kenya Development Plan 1984–1988, p. 187; 1986,: 88).

In this article I consider gender as a form of stratification on the coast of East Africa, with specific reference to northern Mafia Island where I have carried out fieldwork between 1965 and 1967, and again in 1976 and 1985. I am interested in the way in which this has changed over the twenty-year period in which I have been observing this area.

At the turn of the century Veblen (1899) wrote on the socio-economic base of the leisure class. He suggested that, in addition to the ‘bourgeois’ and working classes identified in the nineteenth century, there existed an upper strata which was more than a mere anachronistic remnant of the preindustrial aristocracy, but was in fact reproduced by the developed industrial society.