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The Mexican Revolution can be seen as an effort to promote the modernization of that nation's society and institutions. Social scientists and historians agree that modernization is a complex process, including social, political, economic, and intellectual factors which evolve in different patterns and at different rates according to the particular circumstances under consideration. In terms of social change, political scientist S. N. Eisenstadt, and historian C. E. Black have isolated at least two trends that are of relevance to Mexican education in the 1930S: (1) an increased interest in urban as opposed to rural matters, and (2) the conflict between the representatives of a traditional elitist culture and the advocates of mass society based on modern technology.
It is axiomatic, but certainly deserving of periodic repetition, that the long-term configuration of political, social and economic institutions in Iberian America has been determined both by the apparatus, operation and rationale of the metropolitan state, as well as by the premises and patterns of colonization. Equally apparent is the premise that the politico-administrative crisis associated with the achievement of independence in early nineteenth-century Latin America must be studied in the light of this ‘set’ of New World institutions, and particularly in relation to what Richard Morse calls the Spanish patrimonial state.
Current work on Bourbon Mexico presents a divided, not to say schizophrenic image of the age. The traditional view, propounded by Lucas Alamán largely on the basis of Alexander von Humboldt's Essai Politique, and subject to certain qualifications, supported by our own work on the export economy, emphasized both the new quality in government and the remarkable pace of economic growth. Crown revenue, silver output, overseas trade, and the ecclesiastical tithes levied on agricultural production, all experienced a substantial and rapid increase in the years following the Gàlvez Visitation, 1765–71.