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Spanish society in the New World, far from homogeneous and monolithic, was composed of numerous social groups, which varied according to the regions of the Empire. Clergymen, merchants, bureaucrats, artisans and craftsmen, peddlers, innkeepers, and the perpetually unemployed were among the ranks of Spaniards found throughout the colonial realm, especially in urban or semi-urban settings.
Social group differences in the Spanish or white population in the New World were not limited to Lima or Mexico City. In the 1778 census of Buenos Aires, sixteen major occupational and social categories are specifically delineated, and it can be assumed that these groups were present in other small colonial cities as well. The nature of the society in which these varied occupational groups functioned, the amount of interaction between groups, and the degree of social mobility among members of different occupational groups are all matters for study raised by the presence of these disparate groups in Spanish colonial society. This study examines in detail one of these groups, the wholesale merchants (comerciantes) of Buenos Aires.
The choice of time (the late eighteenth century), social group (the merchants), and locale (Buenos Aires) is not accidental. The comerciantes were an especially important and powerful social group in the Río de la Plata, a region which began to emerge from relative isolation in 1750. Merchants were a target group of the Bourbon monarchs who attempted, during the late eighteenth century, to revitalize the economy of the Spanish Empire by overhauling the entire system of colonial trade.
Given the historic role of cities in Latin America as an instrument for appropriating territory and for ordering society, one may wonder why more attention is not paid to the Latin Americans' own vision of the city. We are sometimes asked to believe that only in the 1940s did the urban phenomenon loom in their world and that our knowledge of it comes from foreign demographers and anthropologists. Colonial sources like Solórzano and the Recopilación, however, demonstrate that the IberoCatholic political tradition gives central importance to the organizational and paradigmatic functions of the urban unit. After independence, to be sure, this tradition was eclipsed by the ‘ruralization’ of Latin American societies as urban, bureaucratic structures decayed and power flowed to the agrarian domain. At this time also, intellectual horizons opened to offer release from scholastic constraints, encouraging the intelligentsia to make eclectic, sometimes euphoric assessments of their new nations' future potential. Of these pensadores Sarmiento almost alone dealt directly with the city's role in nation building. Yet his very plea that the city — whether Buenos Aires or a new ‘Argirópolis’ — assume ‘modernizing’ or ‘developmental‘functions reverts to the old Mediterranean notion that the city (civitas) is one with ‘civilization’. For this Alberdi attacked him, reminding Sarmiento that in Argentina town and country, civilization and barbarism, were not disjoined but fused in a single society and polity.
A series of military dictators came to power in the four nothern republics of Central America during the Great Depression of the 1930s and perpetuated themselves in office through continuismo tactics until roughly the conclusion of the Second World War: General Jorge Ubico, the first and strongest of these caudillos, ruled Guatemala from 1931 to 1944; General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez governed El Salvador from December 1931 to 1944; General Tiburcio Carías Andino dominated Honduras from 1933 to 1946; and General Anastasio Somoza García controlled Nicaragua from 1936 to 1956.
A selection of recent books from and about Mexico is, as ever, likely to be very varied. The works considered here might seem at first sight to have little enough in common. Yet behind them all lies the great debate that has gone on in Mexico since 1968 about the meaning of the past, present and future of the Mexican Revolution.