Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface
- Notational conventions
- 1 Setting the stage
- 2 Tonal representation and tonal processes
- 3 Directionality and interacting sandhi processes I
- 4 Directionality and interacting sandhi processes II
- 5 From base tones to sandhi forms: a constraint-based analysis
- 6 From tone to accent
- 7 Stress-foot as sandhi domain I
- 8 Stress-foot as sandhi domain II
- 9 Minimal rhythmic unit as obligatory sandhi domain
- 10 Phonological phrase as a sandhi domain
- 11 From tone to intonation
- Concluding remarks
- Bibliographical appendix Tone sandhi across Chinese dialects
- References
- Subject index
- Author index
7 - Stress-foot as sandhi domain I
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 October 2009
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface
- Notational conventions
- 1 Setting the stage
- 2 Tonal representation and tonal processes
- 3 Directionality and interacting sandhi processes I
- 4 Directionality and interacting sandhi processes II
- 5 From base tones to sandhi forms: a constraint-based analysis
- 6 From tone to accent
- 7 Stress-foot as sandhi domain I
- 8 Stress-foot as sandhi domain II
- 9 Minimal rhythmic unit as obligatory sandhi domain
- 10 Phonological phrase as a sandhi domain
- 11 From tone to intonation
- Concluding remarks
- Bibliographical appendix Tone sandhi across Chinese dialects
- References
- Subject index
- Author index
Summary
Beginning with this chapter we turn our attention to a leitmotif that underscores all investigations of tone sandhi. We have surveyed the various types of sandhi phenomena, and looked into how sandhi processes interact with each other, but we have not so far directly addressed the issue of the domain of tone sandhi. We have yet to make more precise the principles whereby connected speech breaks down into units within which sandhi rules operate.
The prevailing idea is that speech is hierarchically structured, from the smallest timing units to the utterance as a whole. Each of the prosodic constituents – mora, syllable, foot, word, phrase, etc. – can potentially circumscribe the domain of a phonological rule (cf. Selkirk 1980, 1981a, Nespor and Vogel 1986, Hayes 1989a, inter alia). Of particular importance as operational units of tone sandhi are the metrical foot, the phonological word, phonological phrase, and intonational phrase. In this chapter we consider the metrical foot as the domain of tone sandhi. Subsequent chapters will tackle the larger prosodic units.
There is an emerging consensus among students of Chinese phonology that tone sandhi is intimately related to stress. Kennedy (1953), A. Hashimoto (1980), Yip (1980:163ff.), Wright (1983:156ff.), Shih (1986), Z. Zhang (1988), Chan and Ren (1989), Hsiao (1991), Qian (1992:613ff.), Chang (1992:214ff.), Ao (1992, 1993), Chan (1995), and especially Duanmu (1991, 1992a, 1993a, 1995) all make the explicit claim that tonal stability and the domain of tone association are keyed to the metrical structure, in terms of which they seek to explain a wide range of sandhi phenomena.
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- Tone SandhiPatterns across Chinese Dialects, pp. 285 - 319Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 2000