Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- List of abbreviations
- List of contributors
- one New Labour, ‘modernisation’ and welfare worker resistance
- two Strenuous welfarism: restructuring the welfare labour process
- three A ‘Third Way’? Industrial relations under New Labour
- four Acts of distrust? Support workers’ experiences in PFI hospital schemes
- five Control and resistance at the ward-face: contesting the nursing labour process
- six ‘I didn’t come into teaching for this!’: the impact of the market on teacher professionalism
- seven Ambiguities and resistance: academic labour and the commodification of higher education
- eight The paradox of ‘professionalisation’ and ‘degradation’ in welfare work: the case of nursery nurses
- nine Social work today: a profession worth fighting for?
- ten Working ‘for’ welfare in the grip of the ‘iron’ Chancellor: modernisation and resistance in the Department for Work and Pensions
- eleven Working in the non-profit welfare sector: contract culture, partnership, Compacts and the ‘shadow state’
- twelve Beyond New Labour: work and resistance in the ‘new’ welfare state
- Index
six - ‘I didn’t come into teaching for this!’: the impact of the market on teacher professionalism
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 September 2022
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- List of abbreviations
- List of contributors
- one New Labour, ‘modernisation’ and welfare worker resistance
- two Strenuous welfarism: restructuring the welfare labour process
- three A ‘Third Way’? Industrial relations under New Labour
- four Acts of distrust? Support workers’ experiences in PFI hospital schemes
- five Control and resistance at the ward-face: contesting the nursing labour process
- six ‘I didn’t come into teaching for this!’: the impact of the market on teacher professionalism
- seven Ambiguities and resistance: academic labour and the commodification of higher education
- eight The paradox of ‘professionalisation’ and ‘degradation’ in welfare work: the case of nursery nurses
- nine Social work today: a profession worth fighting for?
- ten Working ‘for’ welfare in the grip of the ‘iron’ Chancellor: modernisation and resistance in the Department for Work and Pensions
- eleven Working in the non-profit welfare sector: contract culture, partnership, Compacts and the ‘shadow state’
- twelve Beyond New Labour: work and resistance in the ‘new’ welfare state
- Index
Summary
Introduction
New Labour started in 1997 full of hope with the positive slogan of ‘Education, Education, Education’ as its mantra. And, indeed, in terms of policy papers, Acts and statements, there has been much activity; for example, in the legislative field there have been eight major education Acts in England and another going through Parliament as I write (2007). In general, these policies have impacted on education in ways that have both highlighted the failings in the whole educational philosophy of New Labour and the strength and depth of feeling that people have towards local schools and the comprehensive education system in general. This chapter examines how various initiatives – the continued introduction of the market in education and the related issue of academies, exam-orientated pressures, work intensification and growing inequality – are impacting on teachers’ work and workload. While the impact of neoliberalism and the market is pervasive throughout the UK, where there are differences in approach, either through devolved government policy or teacher opposition in the different countries of the UK, these are highlighted. The chapter also examines teachers who oppose these trends, both individually in the classroom and collectively through campaigns and industrial action.
‘Market, Market, Market’
In common with other areas of policy, the New Labour governments have pushed forward with their neoliberal agenda in education, sold as the ‘Third Way’. Of all the market reforms enthusiastically introduced by the Conservative governments and taken on board by New Labour, testing and league tables were to be the most divisive. The 1988 Education Reform Act introduced compulsory testing at ages 7, 11, 14 and 16. Because of the obvious and increasing stress levels on children (Davies and Brember, 1999; Birkett, 2001), teachers (who took concerted industrial action over this) and many parents (who organised widespread lobbying and support for teachers) opposed this kind of testing both in Scotland and England/Wales, but piecemeal introduction was achieved. It is noticeable, although not taken on board by policy makers, that major surveys over many years of pupil opinion identify exams and testing as being part of the problem of ‘bad’ schooling (Blishen, 1967; Burke and Grosvenor, 2003).
Linked to the testing were league tables, introduced in 1993 as an ‘aid’ to parental choice. For most families, of course, it is no such thing; the higher ranked schools are usually private, specialist, grammar or comprehensives (usually oversubscribed) in middle-class areas.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- New Labour/Hard Labour?Restructuring and Resistance inside the Welfare Industry, pp. 117 - 136Publisher: Bristol University PressPrint publication year: 2007