The conclusion that Hitler was genuinely inspired by Jesus in his antisemitic struggle against the Jews thus cannot be avoided. Hitler viewed Jesus as the original Aryan warrior who had begun an apocalyptic battle against the Jews, but who had been killed before he had had a chance to finish the job. Historians must start taking Hitler’s (and the other leading Nazis’) religious beliefs seriously if we wish to fully understand how Hitler and his followers could be so morally convinced that what they were doing was the right thing – indeed, the “good” thing – to do. It adds significantly to our understanding not only of how Hitler could sway so many Germans to do what he wanted, but also of how the Nazis’ ultimate crime – the Holocaust – was possible to undertake in one of Europe’s most “civilized” and culturally and economically developed nations. Hitler thought he was following in the footsteps of Jesus – an alleged Aryan warrior who had dedicated his life to fighting the Jews – and that the National Socialists had a duty to finish what he was convinced Jesus had started: the eradication of theof the Jewish people from the face of the earth.

Chapter 8 is concerned with the practical use of ECT, especially building an ECT-based assessment-guidance system. Four instruments are conceptualized and designed for the purpose: (a) talent potential indicators, which assess aptitudes and dispositions relevant to bioecological effectivities; (b) talent PAS indicators, which assesses characteristic adaptation (CA); (c) talent driver indicators, which assess four types of personal strivings; and (d) talent milestone indicators, which assess achievement or psychosocial milestone events. The first two instruments are mainly for talent identification, and thus are more useful in the exploratory stage of TD, and the last two instruments can be used across the board for assessing where the person stands with respect to the pursuit of excellence. For each instrument, an interpretation scheme is presented to assist in its use for guidance and counseling purposes.

Historically, the power to manage the business of all companies and corporations was conferred upon the board of directors. The fact that it was impossible for a board of directors to manage the day-to-day business of large public corporations was only openly acknowledged in the past three decades. This chapter focuses on the organs of a company and then discusses the main functions of a board of directors. It is clear that there is an important distinction between managing the business of the company and directing, supervising and overseeing the management of the business of corporations in large public companies. The board is responsible for directing, supervising and overseeing the management of the business of corporations. Managing the business of large public corporations is normally left to management, but under control of the board.

The fourteen years of Tory rule constitute a stunning missed opportunity to seize on one of Britain’s few internationally renowned assets – its creativity. The government did step in to save organisations from disaster during the pandemic; it did, early on, extend its successful system of tax credits from film and TV to other cultural forms. It did the beat drum for extending demographic opportunities, even if in its actions it did not follow through. What mattered at least as much as specific decisions in this latest Tory era, particularly the latter part under May, Johnson, Truss and Sunak, was the manner of government engagement. Many in the sector are demoralised, having to raise private funds while being disparaged by ministers.

This chapter introduces the phenomenon of party violence, discusses the scope conditions and central arguments of the book, and offers a methodological justification for the distinct cross-regional comparison of Kenya and India. It also details the multiple data sources used to develop the book’s main claims as well as the subnational research sites investigated in both countries. Substantively, the chapter holds that party instability is an underappreciated factor in the broader instrumentalist literature on elites’ decision-making about conflict. It argues that instability matters because it can make the deployment of violence less costly and risky for politicians and thereby incentivize the production of recurring and severe conflict.

Introduction

One of the major shifts that the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi intended to make after taking power in 2014 was to empower India's states in the centre's foreign policy decision-making. This revision was ideally suited for the government's ‘Look West’ policy, with Modi's outreach to West Asia, particularly the Gulf, perhaps uncharacteristically being the single largest success story over the past six years.

The initial posture to empower Indian states more from within the federal structure as far as foreign policy goes seems to have been a non-starter. The idea behind empowering states to have a say in India's foreign policy in a framework of institutionalized sub-national exchanges to promote trade, culture, tourism, and people-to-people ties required both political vision and realpolitik zeal. However, in the times of multilateral dysfunctions and traditions of global diplomacy being potentially re-written by changing polities, citizenry, and more particularly the ecosystem and infrastructures designed around our current understanding of globalization and the world order, paradiplomacy conceptually would need to evolve.

India, the Gulf, and Iran have had historic and civilization ties. Currently, nearly 10 million Indians live and work in the larger West Asian region, and more than USD 50 billion annually are sent into the Indian economy by this diaspora as remittances. Indian states such as Kerala, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, and others have had close connections with countries such as the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia. With over 200 million Muslims, India's outreach to West Asia till an extent has a natural existence, with state policies only following and attempting to incentivize existing connections by tapping into the principles of paradiplomacy. From a policy perspective, thinking about a controlled democratizing process for states to engage with sovereign states with a degree of autonomy is inviting on paper and challenging in practice despite intent at the highest levels.

In this chapter, we will look at the issue and potential of the sub-national approach of diplomacy beyond the charters of a sovereign state's relations with another on the same level from two practical approaches. First is the Indian state of Kerala, which provides a unique perspective by heavily relying on migration and employment in the Gulf States for its local economy and the Gulf's direct outreach to the state during the 2018 floods amidst a row between the state government and the centre.

The introductory chapter presents the key features of the historical and philosophical analysis of the cosmic microwave background (CMB) radiation, focusing on little known alternative explanations to the Hot Big Bang model that ultimately became the standard interpretation of the CMB. The book challenges the common perception of a swift consensus on the CMB’s explanation by revealing multiple valid alternative hypotheses that are largely forgotten today. It argues this has hindered a comprehensive understanding of the history and methodology of cosmology, as well as the ability to draw important philosophical lessons for contemporary cosmological research. The chapter emphasizes the need to understand the epistemic role of the CMB in cosmology and its implications for addressing criticisms of the field. It highlights the diverse range of alternative theories proposed and suggests revisiting these theories may yield valuable ideas and conjectures for modern cosmology. It emphasizes that overlooking alternatives can impede progress. The discussion covers various aspects, from the controversial beginnings of physical cosmology to the characterization of the orthodox interpretation of the CMB, epistemological and methodological concerns, and both moderate and radical alternatives, drawing lessons for the present and future of cosmological research.

This chapter shows how Soviet policymakers thought about foreign trade and the role of natural resources in the early Cold War, focusing on the Khrushchev period and the conflicting views on the use of energy.

The concept of ’causal crypticity’ was introduced by Richardson (2021) to describe the DOHaD field’s high tolerance for both causes and effects that are challenging to observe in nature, show small effect sizes, and are unstable across study populations and contexts. Causal crypticity can be understood in three ways: as an epistemic norm; as a boundary-delimiting signature of field culture or epistemic style; and as a promissory mode. Increasingly, causal crypticity characterises many fields of the big data-rich, postgenomic life sciences, making DOHaD science a useful index case for scholars of the history, philosophy, and social studies of science interested in the epistemic terrain and social implications of postgenomic sciences. The chapter concludes with a discussion of ethical and accountable claimsmaking in DOHaD science under conditions of causal crypticity.

This chapter presents a proof $\square_{\kappa,2}$ holds in a lsa-small hod mouse $\mathcal{P}$ for all cardinals $\kappa$ of $\mathcal{P}$. The proof adapts a well-known construction of $\square$ in extender models by Schimmerling-Zeman. The main challenge to overcome in this situation is that the full condensation lemma, which holds for extender models, does not hold in hod mice. The main application of this result is in the proof of consistency of LSA in Chapter 12.