Management of invasive vertebrate species often requires the use of lethal control tools such as toxins, traps, or shooting. However, because these pest species are sentient and have the capacity to suffer, the application of such tools raises concerns about welfare impacts. To address such concerns, research, policy and regulation have focused most often on the welfare impacts (humaneness) of the tools at the individual animal level (ie the ‘quality’ of the impact) with no attempt to assess welfare at the population level (ie the ‘quantity’ of the impact). Because control programmes often target large numbers of animals, we suggest that when the welfare costs of pest control operations and strategies are being evaluated, the numbers of individuals involved should be considered in addition to the intensity and duration of individual suffering. We explore this concept using a modelling framework and three New Zealand case studies (brushtail possums [Trichosurus vulpecula], ship rats [Rattus rattus], and Bennett's wallabies [Macropus rufogriseus]) to assess the extent to which typical control strategies used by land managers influence the numbers of animals killed. We test whether a predicted relationship between numbers killed and position on the population growth curve holds across these scenarios, and identify whether it would be economically viable for end-users to adopt more welfare-friendly control strategies (ie those that kill fewer individuals to achieve the required management outcomes) for these pest species, or whether some form of incentive would be required. Computer modelling showed that for four simulated brushtail possum control strategies, the number of animals killed on a 1,000-ha area over 30 years ranged from approximately 13,000 to 26,000. Similarly, for two ship rat control strategies, numbers killed over a 20-year period were 977 for an aerial strategy versus 1,517 for a ground-based strategy. For both species, the strategies that killed fewest animals generally also cost the least. For Bennett's wallabies, because farmers only carry out control for production benefits, the control strategy they are most likely to select would result in the highest number of wallabies killed. To reduce the number of wallabies killed while allowing farmers to achieve some production benefits, farmers would need to receive some additional financial benefit. The concept of welfare incentive then raises questions such as ‘what willingness is there to pay for increased welfare’ and ‘to what extent can reducing control costs substitute for incentive payments in reducing numbers killed?’

Cattle producers and animal health professionals are increasingly frustrated by the inability to reduce the impacts of bovine respiratory disease (BRD). Improved BRD control is difficult due to the complex nature of the disease; the complexity of cattle industry structure and function; and the imbalance of economic incentives for enhanced BRD control. Success in improving BRD control will depend on an industry-wide comprehensive effort to address lifetime animal health issues as well as correcting or offsetting imbalances in economic benefits and costs for enhanced animal health management across cattle production sectors.

Decades of commitment to the basic principles of the Danish welfare state have been discarded with a new social policy reducing the benefits for people already at the bottom of the income ladder. The political intention is to increase job search via economic incentives that increase the gap between benefit income and market income. Using a panel dataset with benefit recipients, we show that the intended job search effect did not materialise to any significant extent; rather, the affected people became poorer because the vast majority of individuals could not respond to the economic incentives in the intended manner. Joblessness was not due to lack of incentives. This study confirms the importance of employability and self-efficacy, but it shows that health is an underlying variable that explains both of these factors and the recipients’ difficulties in getting a job. The results have two major social policy implications. Access to early retirement schemes should be easier for recipients who have serious health problems and therefore cannot respond to economic incentives, and there should be an increased focus on how to help the recipients without major health problems to develop self-efficacy.

As the environmental policy recommendations of economists become more acceptable, differences in the professional understanding of, and support for, different policy forms are becoming more apparent. These different approaches to environmental policy and research are described around a taxonomy of four perspectives: “rational analysts,” “cost analysts,” “market managers,” and “free market environmentalists.” These perspectives are compared and contrasted. Recognition of these differences can result in a better appreciation of the different research agendas of economists and can improve clarity in teaching and policy advising.

Integrated conservation and development projects (ICDPs) involve the establishment of parks and reserves with protective or buffer zones around them. Socio-buffering provides local residents with alternatives to traditional land-use activities, but the actual implementation of socio-buffering programmes is difficult.

Socio-economic requirements and constraints to socio-buffering were assessed for the Mantadia National Park in eastern Madagascar based on five criteria. Previously unused lands for compensating people for loss of access to areas within the park were found to be insufficient. While there existed institutions and programmes for developing substitute land-use activities, successful adoption of these activities was crucially dependent on their economic viability. Socio-buffering activities need to not only provide goods that are substitutes for goods that are traditionally consumed, but they also need to be at least as profitable as traditional economic efforts. Also, if land and labour are not a constraint to agricultural expansion, socio-buffering activities can themselves result in increased deforestation. Finally, the long-term effectiveness of socio-buffering was likely to be dependent on the satisfaction of a number of stake-holder interests, and on explicit linkages developed between socio-buffering activities and conservation.

The idea of direct payments for biodiversity conservation in developing countries has generated much debate. Despite substantial experience with related economic instruments in high-income countries such approaches are rare in tropical developing countries, where conservation action is most urgently needed. We explore current experience with the application of direct payments in developing countries through an extensive review and subsequent analysis of the efforts of Conservation International. Our review identifies a broad spectrum of possible direct payment contracts. However, we focus on those involving international conservation interests. Firstly, we develop a framework for the design of direct payment applications, addressing four major aspects: contractual arrangements, definition of conservation services, performance payments, and monitoring and enforcement systems. Secondly, we discuss implementation issues, highlighting the need to consider social factors such as participatory processes, property rights, local institutions and contract legitimacy. Finally, we discuss important considerations for future payment schemes. These include the need for social responsibility, as well as rigorous assessments of effectiveness. We conclude that direct payments show potential as an innovative tool for engaging local communities or resource users in conservation and as a mechanism for channelling global investments in biodiversity conservation services to site-based initiatives.

US agriculture operates in a market driven economy, although government policies can have influence on what farmers produce and how they produce it. As with other businesses, agricultural producers respond to economic incentives and disincentives, and make decisions to maximize their welfare; usually measured as net income. We examined how external economic drivers shape the type of agricultural systems that producers adopt. Specifically, we considered the influence of technological advancements, income supports embodied in farm legislation, and changes in market structure and consumer demand. Changes in technology have often favored large-scale and specialized operations. Many of the technological advancements have required large-scale production units to justify the investment. Often the technology has been commodity specific. However, there is some evidence that more diversified production units might be able to achieve economies of both scale and scope. The influence of commodity support programs has been ambiguous. As farm legislation has evolved to decouple production decisions from program benefits, the incentives to specialize in program crops (crops that receive price and/or income benefits under federal legislation, such as corn, other grains and oil seeds) have diminished. However, wealth and risk effects, albeit small, may have promoted or inhibited the adoption of a more integrated system. The ability of producers to adopt more integrated systems has been primarily influenced by their natural resource base and proximity to markets. Changes in market structure, channels and consumer demand in the past five decades have been dramatic with consolidation and specialization in both production and marketing sectors. However, the diversity of consumer demand has also created opportunities for more integrated farm operations. There is an increasing number of consumers who have become concerned about how and where their food has been produced. Markets for organic, locally produced, free range and the like are expected to grow. While price and income supports may have been biased towards specialization (as these programs were targeted to specific commodities), the reduction in risk associated with the programs has enabled producers to expand the number and diversity of their production enterprises. Furthermore, through the use of strategic alliances, cooperation among producers on a regional basis may eventually lead to greater integration and diversification than could be achieved for the individual farm operation.

In 1995, a study found that the socioeconomic benefits from a legalized commercial harvest of sea turtle eggs in Ostional (Costa Rica) were substantial and widely recognized by Ostional residents. Legal and administrative structures ensured community participation in and control of resource use, and evidence indicated support for community-based conservation (CBC) was high. In 2004, the study was repeated to assess how perceptions of the egg harvest might have changed over time. There were continued high levels of support for conservation and positive perceptions of the project's impacts on the economy, environment and community. Some explanations for impact rankings have changed, with greater emphasis on the importance of conservation and awareness of how this is achieved, greater animosity towards one government agency and greater concern about the impacts of tourism on the egg harvesting project. Between surveys, a variety of social, political and economic changes have occurred. The CBC concept has been further refined and critiqued; by examining a CBC project over time, this paper considers the durability and flexibility of the incentive, legal and administrative structures associated with a successful example of CBC.