This chapter charts the processes by which deceptive sex came to be regarded as potentially constituting rape. Through tracing these developments, the chapter shows how doctrinal features of the law, such as the way consent and deception are thought to be related and the modes of deception punished by law, were important to this process. Yet the chapter also argues that to fully appreciate how and why the changes occurred, it is necessary to pay attention to the array of interests the law has sought to protect and how these have shaped the range of topics of deception that might ground a charge of rape. This argument leads to the conclusion that, in the context of deceptive sex, deception has not been considered wrongful because it invalidates or precludes consent, as is commonly thought; rather, deception has invalidated or precluded consent because it has sometimes been considered wrongful. The chapter ends by introducing some reasons why this insight is important to ongoing debates regarding the criminalisation of deceptive sex.

This chapter summarises the overarching narrative of this book and argues that as was as being intrinsically valuable it can inform contemporary debates about using law to regulate the practices of inducing intimacy. The discussion is organised around three sets of issues: the public and private dimensions of sex and intimate relationships, including the interests protected by law, the form of response (i.e., state or non-state), and the variety of legal response (i.e., public or private); the structure of legal responses, the meaning of consent and its relation to deception, targeted modes of deception, culpability matters, the requirement for a causal link between deception and ‘outcome’, and the temporalities of the legal wrong; and the substance of deceptions, including the dynamics governing the range of topics about which transparency has been expected. Drawing the discussion together, the chapter concludes by offering a new framework for constructing legal responses to deceptively induced intimacy, which builds on the core insight and these responses have historically been predicated on temporally sensitive associations between self-construction and intimacy.

This chapter shows that a series of public policies have the potential to boost citizens’ perspectives for finding work and thereby foster incentives for peace. The first prominent policy is to invest in education. A more educated population generates countless benefits, one of which is the prospect of obtaining better jobs. Fundamentally, more meaningful employment raises the opportunity cost of giving up paid work to join an armed rebellion. Furthermore, physical capital (money) can more easily be stolen than human capital (knowledge). Hence, investing cash in building classrooms means that trying to topple the state will become less lucrative. Next, it is spelled out how better health leads to both a longer time horizon and a higher opportunity cost of conflict. This, in turn, makes long-run (peaceful) investments more appealing and reduces the scope for short-term appropriation and looting. Finally, a series of labor market policies are assessed, stressing the role of good jobs in making it less attractive to leave work and go to war. Empirical evidence from a variety of contexts is presented.

, During the 1980s and early 1990s, as the HIV/AIDS epidemic swept the country, thousands of gay men and lesbians perished from AIDS-related infections. Their same-sex partners quickly discovered that they had no rights because the law did not recognize their relationships. Advocates consequently pressed municipalities to adopt domestic partnership programs, a concept that originated in union efforts to secure benefits for unmarried partners. In the 1980s, cities, towns, and counties around the country began offering both health benefits to their employees as well as registries where all couples could record their commitment. The total number of these programs were small, and the rights they offered were limited. However, they helped produce new debates over the nature and meaning of family. They also inspired queer workers in the private sector to demand domestic partnership benefits from their employers. By the mid-1990s, domestic partnership benefits had become a mainstay of corporate America.

This chapter details the epidemiology, route of spread, prevalence, incubation period and at-risk groups relating to HIV. It gives information on symptoms, laboratory diagnosis, treatment, prophylaxis and infection control.

This chapter provides details of the viruses and other organisms that are more severe in immunocompromised patients (HIV, CMV, EBV, HSV, VZV, HHV6, HHV7, HHV8, adenoviruses, influenzaviruses, parainfluenzaviruses, RSV, SARS-CoV-2, HBV, HEV, polyomaviruses, papillomaviruses, parvovirus, T gondii). It gives details of symptoms, diagnosis, treatment and strategies for reducing the risk of severe symptoms.

This chapter details the epidemiology, route of spread, symptoms and prevalence, relating to viral infections acquired while abroad (HBV, HAV, HEV, HIV, noroviruses, dengue fever, arboviruses, haemorrhagic fever viruses, rabies).

This chapter provides an overview of the antiviral drugs currently available, including maraviroc, aciclovir, penciclovir, ganciclovir, amantadine, zydovudine, adefovir, ribavirin, indinavir , oseltamivir, zanamivir, interferon alpha, rituximab , palivizumab, cidofovir, brincidofovir, foscarnet, remdesivir and paxlovid with an indication of their modes of action for treating virus infections, including HIV, herpes viruses, respiratory viruses, HBV, HCV, CMV, adenoviruses , BK, EBV (especially for PTLD), RSV, poxviruses and SARS-CoV-2.

This chapter deals with Occupational Health and how to protect healthcare workers from acquiring infections (e.g. HAV, HBV, HIV, HCV, VZV, influenza, Covid-19, measles, mumps, rubella, polio, TB, diphtheria, meningococcal infection and tetanus) while at work. It describes how healthcare workers can be protected by providing pre-exposure vaccinations and post-exposure treatments, as well as discussing responses to outbreaks and routes of infection.

This chapter details to genital tract and sexually transmitted infections (HSV, VZV, Treponema pallidum, papillomaviruses, poxviruses, HIV, HBV, C. trachomatis, LGV). It gives information on symptoms, laboratory diagnosis, management, treatment, prophylaxis and infection control.

This chapter details the organisms causing congenital and neonatal infections in infants born to mothers with infection in pregnancy (rubella, CMV, T gondii, parvovirus B19, VZV, zikavirus, T pallidum, HIV, HBV, HCV, HTLV1, HSV and C trachomatis). It details the route of spread, symptoms, laboratory diagnosis and treatment.

This chapter deals with public health and pandemic preparedness. It recognises the five stages of a new pandemic (detection, assessment, treatment, escalation and recovery). The chapter also deals with the issue of laboratory preparedness and the need to maintain a critical mass of laboratory and skilled staff expertise at all times in order to be able to respond rapidly and effectively to a new emerging pandemic.

Health and science diplomacy is the activity of deploying international cooperation in the service of science and public health, and using global health and science efforts to achieve foreign-policy goals. As a bridge between the scientific community and decision-makers in government, a science or health diplomat must understand the work of both and, ideally, how they think. Scientists see a pattern or anomaly in nature and try to gather data and evidence to explain it. They publish their findings in peer-reviewed scientific journals. But those findings also have to be packaged and communicated to nonscientists, because the data rarely speaks for itself. This is where science diplomats come in. They need to understand the evidence and incorporate it into persuasive arguments that can influence policymakers to elevate the potential threat as a priority and take action.

The potency of a vaccine against cancer-causing HPV – and the body’s ability to clear it – offers many women a fighting chance. But extinguishing this source of cervical cancer overlooks another sexually transmitted virus that’s been raging around the globe for decades: the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV). The lethal effects of HPV mixed with HIV can be like setting gasoline on fire. HPV infections in HIV-positive women last longer, progress more quickly, recur more frequently, and are harder to eradicate. Cervical cancer in HIV-positive women – many of them in lower-income countries – strikes younger, is more aggressive, and harder to cure. Women with HIV are six times more likely to die of cervical cancer. They face a particular threat in Africa, home to two-thirds of the world’s 40 million HIV cases. Without a concerted effort to overcome the dual stigma of HIV and HPV through education, appropriate medical care to all persons with cervixes, and a means to address the vulnerability of the continent’s child brides, Africa will remain at the core of the HIV-HPV inferno – undermining the quest for global cervical cancer elimination.