Music has long been a research focus in the sociology of taste and cultural practice (Schuessler, 1948, 1981; Bourdieu, 1984; Peterson, 1992; Peterson and Kern, 1996; Bryson, 1996, 1997; Relish, 1997; van Eijck, 2001; Coulangeon, 2005). In fact, the idea that musical consumption is influenced by social factors could even be regarded as a truism. Why then have sociologists paid so much attention to music? One probable reason is that music is not part of the culture that is taught and learned in school, at least not in the same way as literature is. Instead, music is a cultural domain in which the influence of primary groups, e.g. family, peer group, ethnic community, remains strong. This is probably the reason why Bourdieu (1984) considered musical taste as particularly revealing about social class. Furthermore, the development of digital technology has gone hand in hand with the diversification of the use of music, e.g. from solitary listening and attending concerts to actively playing, to decorative functions (background or mood music in public places – transports, restaurants, etc.), the influence of music in everyday life is very pervasive. At any rate, the stratification of musical tastes has long interested sociologists (Gans, 1974, 1985; Levine, 1988).
Perspectives on the social stratification of cultural and music listening habits
Much of current research in the sociology of cultural taste and practice are empirical or theoretical appraisals of Bourdieu (1984). The most productive critique, originally formulated in relation to music, is the omnivore–univore thesis (Peterson and Simkus, 1992; Peterson and Kern, 1996).