Introduction
Since the 1990s, the question of demolishing and rebuilding large housing estates has emerged as a central theme of urban policies linked with social housing. According to Christine Lelévrier and Jean-Claude Driant (Lelevrier, 2002), demolition characterises certain operations (which may be on a small or large scale) undertaken with state support and designed to improve the housing stock.
As a result of the generally poor quality of buildings erected after the Second World War, their poor image, and the various difficulties concentrated within them (especially socioeconomic problems, reduced quality of life, and antisocial behaviour) the policies deployed have very often led to a decision to demolish large estates. Of course, the situations vary throughout Europe, for historical and political reasons. But, in general terms, the same questions are being asked about the rationale for demolition and rebuilding.
We first consider the rationale and objectives for demolition and rebuilding, in both a theoretical and practical context, before we discuss the implications of this practice for low-income households. The rationale for demolition is linked to so many different factors in different European countries, the various situations are neither strictly compared, nor the cases listed. This chapter, therefore, is derived from the large housing estates in the RESTATE project, although some other examples are given. General tendencies are considered and an analysis offered of why some large housing estates – even after having been physically improved – remain problematic areas and sometimes still have to be demolished. The political context of the socioeconomic and spatial questions is considered in order to illuminate the main goals of the European countries in terms of rebuilding, before exploring how demolition and rebuilding is experienced and what are now the main results of these policies.
Theoretical reasons for demolition
The current debate on demolition originates from the 1990s. The majority (sometimes even 100%) of the accommodation in most of the deprived urban neighbourhoods in the countries of Western Europe (the Netherlands, Germany, the UK, and France, for example) is in the social-rented sector, although some private-sector estates are also problematic (for example, the Bron Terraillon estate in the east of Greater Lyon belongs to the private-rental sector).