An American Perspective

In the first decade of the present century, South Asia has achieved a prominence for American policy makers that had previously escaped it. In earlier decades, the countries of the region had struggled, often without much success, to gain Washington's attention. Yet it frequently required a crisis, as during the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war, or the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, to persuade American officialdom to give the region more than a cursory glance.

US Interest in South Asia

Developments in the 1990s, however, and more dramatically, in September 2001, convinced Washington it could no longer afford such a casual approach toward the subcontinent. In the first half of the 1990s, a growing number of Americans awoke to the fact that changes were afoot in India that, if continued, would make that country an economic powerhouse and a major political actor in Asia and beyond. In 1998, nuclear tests first by India, then Pakistan, dismayed official Washington and touched off the first ever senior sustained diplomatic dialogue between Washington and New Delhi – the much celebrated Strobe Talbott-Jaswant Singh talks. A year later, a dangerous military confrontation between India and Pakistan, sparked by a clandestine Pakistani incursion into the Kargil sector of Kashmir, had strategic analysts in Washington worrying about the possibility of the world's first nuclear exchange. A military seizure of power in Islamabad in October of that year further escalated the stakes in South Asia for American decision makers.

The theme of the 15th SAARC Summit that was held in Colombo in August 2008 was ‘Partnership for Growth of Our People’, but editorials in the South Asian newspapers hardly saw the regional grouping working together to enhance this objective. The only paper which touched on this theme was The Daily Star in Bangladesh, which continued to emphasise the need to enhance people-to-people cooperation in the region. Other editorials focused on the theme of terrorism, with the natural tilt towards specific terrorist related act of national concern.

The Daily Mirror in Sri Lanka went as far as to say that the 15th Summit would be judged by how ‘effectively and expeditiously’ the Summit decision on terrorism is implemented. The Indian and Pakistani press linked the outcome of the Summit with the bombing of the Indian Embassy in Kabul and the firing that then took place on the Line of Control (LoC) between the countries just before the Summit. Dawn in Pakistan noted that ‘explosive accusations being traded between India, Pakistan and Afghanistan’ on terrorism diverted the focus away from the key issues of trade, while the pre-Summit editorial in The Times of India suggested that India's primary interest in the Summit was to ‘rein the ISI’ and to ensure that the LoC becomes the ‘line of trade and not the line of conflict’.

Source: Syama Prasad Mookerjee Papers, Instalment II–IV, Subject File No. 50.

SECTION-1: Interregnum between Bengal Ministership and Central Ministership

Syama Prasad's resignation made the fall of the Haq Ministry inevitable. When the Budget for the year 1943 was introduced by Fazlul Haq, who had taken over the Finance portfolio following Syama Prasad's resignation, it was apparent that the ministry would face quite a few challenges during the budget session. The strength of the Opposition was increasing daily. The League and the Europeans had combined, and a number of Muslims and Scheduled Caste members joined the Opposition after deserting the ministerial party. The official Congress party continued to attack the Ministry and made it clear that its continuance depended on its charity. The Communist party was carrying on a persistent propaganda against the Ministry and it joined hands with the League for this purpose. Governor Herbert urged Haq to bring in the Muslim League. A coalition with the League was acceptable to the truncated Ministry as well as to Syama Prasad who had always been prepared “to have a ministry representing all parties”. But the League “Maintained that while it was prepared to cooperate with any Non-Muslim party, it would never join any ministry along with the non-Muslim League Muslims”. This was in accordance with Jinnah's contention that the Muslim League was the sole representative organisation of the Muslims of India and the non-League Muslims were untouchables. Just before the Budget proceedings were about to be concluded, Haq was summered by the Governor on the evening of 28 March. According to Haq, the Governor had made two demands of him. First, he must completely repudiate Dr Mookerjee's statement and speeches attacking the Governor which Haq refused to do. Secondly, he insisted that either Haq should form a ministry with the League or enable the Governor to do so by tendering his resignation. A letter of resignation had been previously typed and kept ready at Government House. Haq signed it under coercion and the Governor instantly accepted his resignation, although according to Dr Mookerjee, Fazlul had no business to resign then and there. His party men were furious and signs of disintegration were all too clear. A constitutional deadlock resulted when on the next day Speaker Nausher Ali, on Dr Mookerjee's suggestion, adjourned the House for three weeks before the Budget had been passed completely.

I deem it a great pleasure to be invited to preside over your annual gathering. Let me, in the first place, warmly congratulate you on the performances you have just displayed, your discipline, efficiency and alertness indicate not only the spirit of your devotion but also the high qualities of training and organisation that you have imbibed. The R.S.S. has passed through many trials and tribulations. The fire of suffering and sacrifice has, however, added to its strength and vitality and today it stands more consolidated than perhaps it ever did before. As an organisation it is devoted to the development of Bharatiya culture and spirit of unity and solidarity amongst all classes of Hindus throughout this great country. The revival of the glory of our past culture and civilisation is a task of supreme importance in the building-up of free India. Our country is divided into many States and the people residing therein not only speak different languages but also follow varied habits and customs. But amidst all this diversity, there does exist a spirit of unity which in national interest has to be intensified, and broad-based. History reminds us that Hindus lost their political freedom because of disunity and jealousy amongst themselves and thus foreigners stepped into our country and ultimately captured political power. We must see to it that history is not allowed to repeat itself in future. Many people often criticise any genuine movement for consolidation of Hindu culture or revival of Hindu ideology as some thing reactionary and retrograde. This is either due to a spirit of ignorance or of a sense of inferiority complex. No one would suggest for a moment a revival of any narrow separatist tendencies or any undue emphasis on mere froms and rites which indeed led to the disintegration of Hindu society itself Hinduism, rightly understood, is all-embracing. The message of Bhagwat Gita, of Ramayana and Mahabharat ennobles the human mind, irrespective of caste, creed or colour. It is this universal appeal, based on a spirit of truth, service and sacrifice on strength and vitality that must from the foundation of Hindu revival in India.

Speech of Dr S.P. Mookerjee at the Bengal Legislative Assembly on 20th September 1946 in support of the no confidence motion against the Muslim League Ministry headed by Mr H.S. Suhrawardy for the responsibility of the ‘Great Calcutta Killing’, on 16th August, 1946 the ‘Direct Action Day’ called by Mr M.A. Jinnah, President of Muslim League.

Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee: Mr Speaker, Sir, since yesterday we have been discussing the motions of non-confidence under circumstances which perhaps have no parallel in the deliberation of any legislature in any part of the civilised world. What happened in Calcutta is without a parallel in modern history. St Bartholomew's Day of which history records some grim events of murder and butchery pales into insignificance compared to the brutalities that were committed in the streets, lanes and by-lanes of this first city of British India. We have been discussing, Sir, as to the genesis of these disturbances. Time will not permit me to go through the detailed history and course of events during the last few years. But let me say this that what has happened is not the result of a sudden explosion, but it is the culmination of an administration, inefficient, corrupt and communal, which has disfigured the life of this great province. But so far as the immediate cause is concerned, rightly reference has been made by members belonging to the Muslim League and also to the opposition that we have to look to the resolution that was passed at Bombay at the all-India session of the Council of the Muslim League. Now what happened there? It is said, on behalf of the Muslim League that the Cabinet Mission proved faithless to Muslim interests and thereby created a situation which has had no parallel in the history of Anglo-Muslim relationship in this country. What did actually the Cabinet Mission do? The Muslim League, the spoilt and pampered child of the British imperialists for the last thirty years, was disowned for the first time by the British Labour Government … (Loud noise from the Government benches) … I know it that members, when they hear the bitter truth, can hardly repress their feelings.

From the sphere of education, Dr Mookerjee moved to the realm of politics in 1938 when, following disagreement with the Congress policy to boycott the Legislature, he resigned and was re-elected as an independent candidate. From then onwards, he was actively involved in politics till his death in 1953. His struggle against the Muslim League in Bengal began with his opposition to the Secondary Education Bill that communalised education. He also found it necessary to protest against defilement of Hindu images, molestation of Hindu women and discrimination in government employment. In contrast, the Congress maintained a discreet silence on these issues, both in and outside the Legislative Assembly, lest a word against injustice or outrage on Hindus should offend Muslims. He, therefore, thought it necessary, in the wider interests of Bengal and India, to keep the Muslim League out of power by mustering together all the non-Congress Hindu forces in the Legislature. His efforts bore fruit first with the forming of the Progressive Coalition with the Krishak Praja Party under the leadership of Fazlul Haq's new coalition cabinet (12 December 1941) that included Dr Mookerjee as Finance Minister. A leading member of the Cabinet, Syama Prasad emerged as the new spokesman of the Hindu cause, inveighing against the communal policy followed by the previous Haq Ministry under the influence of its coalition partner, the League. However, referring to the Governor repeatedly pressing them to abandon Haq and to settle with the League, Dr Mookerjee confessed that working as a minister in such a situation was ‘a strange experience’. According to him, the two dominant features of Bengal's unsympathetic administration were ‘fanning of the communal flame and bowing to the will of Clive Street’. On 20 November 1942, the pillar of the Progressive Coalition resigned from the Ministry in protest against the Governor's continuous encroachment upon provincial autonomy, the ‘Scorched Earth’ policy (1942) that caused much hardship to the people, and the highly oppressive measures adopted in the district of Midnapore to suppress the popular rising of the ‘August Movement’. Dr Mookerjee's one year of active association with the Bengal Government had given him an intimate picture of the working of the British mind and also an opportunity to clearly explicate the viewpoint of nationalist India before the men in power.

15th April 1950

My Dear Panditji,

I have given most anxious thought to the requests made to me to reconsider my decision. While attaching the greatest respect to the views expressed, I very much regret I do not find it possible to withdraw my resignation. In these circumstances I hope you will be good enough to accept it formally now.

Regarding Neogy, I had talks with him after yesterday's Party meeting. He also finds himself unable to withdraw his resignation. Apart from the reasons given by him already, he feels very strongly that the impending trade talks should not be finalised or implemented by Cabinet for a period of say two months. During this period Government should satisfy itself that the Political Agreement is actually being implemented by Pakistan. Meanwhile all possible steps should be taken to requisition the raw jute stocks in India and make them available to the mills at controlled prices. This will keep the mills going for at least two months, if not more.

During this period the top most priority in the matter of implementation should be given to recovery of abducted women.

Copies of telegrams circulated to us indicate how disturbances in some parts of East Bengal are still continuing. Some of them are of a fairly serious character. There are reports of about 50 women having been abducted. These incidents are apart from the border incidents which have been separately reported by West Bengal Government. How far this will be regarded as breach of Agreement is a matter for you to consider.

Yours sincerely,

Hon’ble Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru

Source: Syama prasad Mookerjee Papers, Instalment V–VII, Subject File No. 80.

Syama Prasad Mookerjee is one of the most remarkable public figures who adorned the Indian political scene in the crucial pre-independence and post-independence decades of Indian history. He was a fearless patriot for whom his country always came first. His elegant personality and brilliant intellect were all the more admirable for his lofty idealism, impeccable character and simple lifestyle. Beginning as an educationist at the young age of 23, he rose to be the youngest Vice-Chancellor of the Calcutta University. Entering politics a few years later, he made his mark as a dynamic and far-sighted political leader when he outwitted the British and the Muslim League by uniting the nationalist forces in Bengal to oust the League Ministry and install the Haq-led Coalition Ministry, in which he became the Finance Minister.

Making his debut on the all-India stage soon thereafter as President of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha, which he had joined on account of the magnetic influence of Veer Savarkar's pure nationalism, patriotism and realism, he became the most effective spokesman of nationalist opinion on the critical question of the unity of the country, which was being threatened by the Muslim League with the direct encouragement from the British Government. Even though he was a member of the Government, Syama Prasad took up the cudgels against the British Government on behalf of nationalist India in 1942, when all the Congress leaders were in jail following the Quit India Movement. Having failed to persuade the Viceroy to release the leaders, he decided to quit the Bengal Cabinet and lead the nationalist forces against the British, unshackled by the strings of office. When the Congress party virtually gave away the whole of Punjab and Bengal to the League on a platter by deciding not to coerce any unwilling part to remain in India, Dr Mookerjee successfully campaigned for the partition of the would-be Pakistan and saved half of Punjab and half of Bengal for India.

It was in recognition of these services that he was included in the first Central Cabinet of independent India in August 1947. He accepted the invitation in the hope of influencing the policies of free India in its formative period and safeguarding the interests of crores of Hindus who had been left behind in Pakistan much against their will.

SECTION-1: Circumstances behind Formation of Second Fazlul Haq Ministry in Bengal

The 1937 elections returned the Congress as the single largest party in Bengal but unable to form a ministry without the cooperation of at least A.K. Fazlul Haq's Krishak Praja Party. The latter being a Muslim peasant's party, accorded priority to krishak welfare, whereas the Congress wanted the release of political prisoners to be the first priority. Fazlul Haq, whom the Europeans did not trust and who had been kept far away from Government counsels for long, “was dying for power”. Disinclined to fall into the arms of the Sir Khwaja Nazimuddin-led Muslim League, Haq implored the Congress to form a coalition ministry in Bengal with himself as Premier. Dr Mookerjee regrets that “If this had been done, Bengal would never have gone under the heels of League-cum-British conspiracy”, “Bengal would have been a different province altogether” and “India's political history would have been different”. But the Congress High Command bungled and did not agree to this. Haq became Prime Minister, thanks to a marriage of convenience with Nazimuddin (who got the Home portfolio) arranged by Nalini Ranjan Sarkar (who became Finance Minister), a leading member of the Bengal Congress, “a clever power-broker and perfect master of the political game of changing sides”. Although numerically strong, none of the Hindu ministers enjoyed any support of the Hindu community or of the Hindu legislators and could hardly exercise any restraining influence in framing and executing government policies. As Dr Mookerjee records, “The tiger had tasted blood and fanatic zeal was let loose on the province. Fazlul Haq was made to dance as the clever Leaguers like Suhrawardy, Sahabuddin and Nazimuddin wanted him to. Using him as their cloak, they organised themselves and the League effectively, and ruthlessly carried on their campaign of denuding Hindus of their rights, on which alone they thought they could build their Islamic structure”.

The League–Praja coalition put a series of measures through the Assembly which promoted various Muslim interests at the cost of Hindu bhadralok privilege. The Congress, as it was in opposition, was powerless to resist this legislative onslaught.

Jawaharlal Nehru on the Communal Riots, 14 November 1946

To give an account of the communal trouble in the country is to deal with a chain of events going back to the past. One evil action leads to another which again becomes the ostensible cause of further evil. The preaching and practice of hatred and violence inevitably sows seeds which yield bitter fruit. If we sow the wind we have to reap the whirlwind.

Ever since the Interim Government took charge of affairs they have been intensely occupied with these communal troubles. The House will remember that this Government took office very soon after what is called the great Calcutta killing which began on the 16th August. All our work was shadowed by these events and we tried our utmost to deal with this situation. The House knows that the Government of India may not interfere, under the existing constitution, with the Provincial autonomy. In so far as any one can interfere under the constitution, it is the Governor-General, and not the Governor-General in Council. Nevertheless, as Indians in responsible positions to whom the country looked for guidance, we tried our utmost to help. Throughout this unhappy period, whether it was in Calcutta or elsewhere in India, or Noakhali and East Bengal, or Bihar, the Government were acutely conscious of their responsibilities and keenly desirous of combating the peril that had encompassed the country. There has been much public criticism of our seeming inaction because necessarily we could not function in public in regard to these matters. If facts were known, I do not think that this criticism would be considered to be justified.

A succession of events, which are known to this House, led to the great Calcutta killing. That was followed by the great tragedy of Noakhali and East Bengal, and that again led to the terrible happenings in Bihar. And now Bihar is leading to other outbursts of brutality and violence. There appears to be a competition in murder and brutality, and unless we put a stop to this, the immediate future of our country is dark. That it can be put a stop to, I have little doubt.

Explaining his differences with the Congress, the Mahasabha President said:

SECTION-1: Growth of Hindu Mahasabha and its Emergence as an All-India Force, 1938–1941

After the 1937 elections, the Congress swept the polls with respect to the Hindu seats. The Muslim League did not cut much ice in Bengal, as elsewhere, and Fazlul Haq's Krishak Praja Party came to the Bengal Legislature with a fairly large representation, with Haq defeating Nazimuddin at Patuakhali; and “it looked as if the reactionary Muslim elements had received a death blow”. If the Congress had responded to Haq's entreaty to form a coalition ministry in Bengal with himself as Premier, Bengal “would have developed into a strong and healthy province with the common efforts of representative Hindus and Muslims”. But as Dr Mookerjee says, “Congress policy regarding acceptance of office was still uncertain. Sarat Bose himself was even then deluding himself with such a declaration, ‘The Congress has come to the Legislature to end the Constitution and not to work it.’ … It (Congress) was not prepared to co-operate or form a coalition with anyone. It must rule as a single party.” So the Congress High Command did not allow the Bengal Congress to join with Fazlul Haq's party, thus throwing Bengal “at the mercy of British-cum-League domination”. Accordingly, Haq joined the League in forming a ministry on 1 April 1937, headed by himself. He inducted N.R. Sarkar, B.P. Singh Roy and Maharaja of Cossimbazar as the Caste Hindu ministers. Nalini Ranjan Sarkar, the Calcutta financier who had made his fortune in the insurance business, joined the Gandhian section of the Congress party at the time of split of the ‘Big Five’ into contending factions and had become an implacable enemy of the Bose brothers. He forfeited his Congress membership for joining the Haq Ministry as Finance Minister against the wishes of the High Command but resigned from the Cabinet, following the Congress lead, at the outbreak of war in 1939. At the behest of the clever Leaguers like Suhrawardy, Sahabuddin and Nazimuddin, the communal Haq Ministry steadily went on with its well-planned activities for crushing the legitimate rights of the Hindus till 1941. While Sarat Bose faltered publicly in fighting against Muslim oppression, as minister Nalini Sarkar secured maximum possible concessions to Hindu interests by hints of a possible resignation’. But the Ministry used the immense patronage at its disposal for consolidating its position.

Jana Sangh People's Party Programme

(Approved by a conference of original members of the party)

• 1. The Party will give its first and foremost attention to the supply of food and cloth at reasonable prices. It will also be its immediate endeavour to secure reductions in the prices of other essential commodities. Unemployment will also receive its earnest attention. In carrying on its activities, the Party will try to create an enthusiasm in the heart of the nation and adopt a programme which will inspire all sections of the people to work for a common national purpose.

• 2. While not ignoring the beneficial effects on the country of long-term schemes like river-vally projects and reclamation of land, immediate attention will have to be devoted to increasing the production of food-crops and other agricultural commodities from existing acreage of land. It will be possible to raise the yeield per acre through small-scale irrigation schemes and the more plentiful supply of seeds, manure and implements. Uncultivated land will be requisitioned wherever necessary and co-operative farming will be encouraged.

• The party will advocate a more rational procurement polity which will instead of impeding help production.

• 3. The Party believes that our economic salvation lies in increasing production and in adopting a fair and more equitable system of distribution. The party's activities will be constantly and considerably directed towards this end.

• 4. The Party will work for planned decentralisation of industries and the development of small and medium-size industries aiming at regional self-sufficiency as far as possible and combating unemployment, particularly amongst the poor and middle class people.

• 5. The Party will seek to improve relations between capital and labour and will encourage arbitration in order to avoid strikes and lock-outs.

• 6. Planned re-orientation of the education system in all its stages and re-organisation of measures for preventing and curing diseases, specially malaria, cholera and tuberculosis, will be undertaken.

• 7. The party will devote its special attention to the improvement of the social, economic and educational advancement of the backward sections of the population.

SECTION-1: Dr Mookerjee's Quest for a Political Platform

Dr Mookerjee's resignation created a stir in the country. The Congress circles felt uneasy and the press they controlled tried to minimise the importance of the event. But the people hailed it as a brave act. The citizens of Delhi demonstrated their appreciation for Dr Mookerjee's stand by hosting a grand reception to congratulate him on his bold decision which was attended by more than a thousand representative citizens drawn from all walks of life. Some of the independent-minded Congressmen like H.V. Kamath, Member of Parliament, also hailed his exit from the Cabinet as the beginning of a healthy opposition within the Parliament. But the tragedy of the situation was that no organised opposition then existed within or without Parliament, which was also the Constituent Assembly and was elected indirectly by the Provincial Legislature in 1946 when the main problem before the country was the demand for partition of the country. The Congress then captured all the Hindu seats by presenting itself as the champion of united India, while Muslims, returned by the Muslim League, constituted the main opposition for some time. The Partition converted the Muslim League opposition into the sovereign Parliament of Pakistan. So in the parliamentary debates, the role of opposition had to be played by a few outspoken Congressmen and liberals like Pandit Hriday Nath Kunzru who, however, all belonged to the Congress party for voting purposes. Therefore, after his resignation, Dr Mookerjee found himself a solitary member in the opposition. Although after sometime his erstwhile Cabinet colleagues, K.C. Neogy and John Mathai, also joined him, they soon withdrew from the Parliament altogether thereby leaving Dr Mookerjee to fight the opposition battles single-handedly against a steamroller majority.

Meanwhile, the division between the Hindu traditionalists and the liberal secularists within the Congress was widened by their divergent reactions to the outbreaks of communal violence which occurred in East Bengal and West Bengal during the winter of 1949–1950. The intense public feeling aroused by Gandhi's assassination on 30 January 1948 had caused a reaction against Hindu nationalism and moved the balance of advantage within the Congress party towards the liberals.