The world has seen, and is still seeing the rapid development and spread of urban areas. Cities and towns have sprouted up every where around the globe. Villages are transforming into towns and towns into cities, attracting more and more people, and adding to urban expansion. Population increase and industrialization are the key factor behind such a phenomenal change in spatial structure.

India, the second most populated country in the world, has experienced large-scale development in and around its urban areas. The city of Kolkata (formerly Calcutta until 2001) in eastern India, the focus herein, has being aggressively multiplying in size over the last three decades. However, the rea population explosion took place between 1940 and 1950, during the Indian independence phase, although growth as such is still continuing (Chakraborty, 1990).

Closely associated with the morphology of any city are its past and present populations that have adhered to certain social and economic customs and followed distinctive occupations (Dutt et al., 1989, 151) Kolkata was the first major city developed by the British East India Company in the early 1700s. The East India Company built their first fortified construction, Fort William, to protect them from the other colonia aspirants. It was around this same fortified structure that the city of Kolkata grew and nurtured itself. It was a garrison town first, then the Company's town, next a provincial city, and later the headquarters of the British India government (National Atlas and Thematic Mapping Organisation (NATMO), 1996).

Overview of the Mon-Khmer (MK) languages of India (Meghalaya, Assam) and Bangladesh

The MK group of languages spoken in NE India, especially in Meghalaya since the formation of this State in 1972, is currently known as Khasi or Khasian. These two terms correspond to different facts and to an unsettled question. Standard Khasi has become the lingua franca and the written language of the MK eastern area of Meghalaya since British colonisation. This situation reflects the political and socio-economic leadership of the Khasi group over other MK groups in Meghalaya and also the isolated cultural situation of the MK group inside NE India. As a state of India, Meghalaya has two parliamentary constituencies: a Garo one and a Khasi one. Any War, Pnar or Lyngngam person would say he is Khasi as some kind of “national” identity, different from any other neighbouring Tibeto- Burman (TB) or Indo-Aryan (IA) identity. On the other hand, “Khasian” is not an empirically defined term from the viewpoint of MK linguistic classification. The chapter in Grierson (1904) on “Khassi” and its Synteng (that is Sutnga Pnar), Lyngngam and War “dialects” provides basic lexical lists of 200 items and two translated Bible texts in those so-called dialects. This material shows important lexical dissimilarities and deep morphosyntactical differences. Those languages are labeled “corrupted dialects” of Khasi by Roberts (1891), who provided the data. Those groups and what remains of the former dialects of Khasi: Mylliem and Khyrim (or Khynriam), have never been thoroughly surveyed.

Population data from the decennial census of the United States (US) can provide a reasonable picture of the changing distribution of people of various Hispanic origins in the country during the last 150 years. Beyond simply enumerating population distributions, some census data, like home ownership and language spoken at home, do provide a sense of the degree to which Hispanics have settled permanently in particular regions and the extent to which they have maintained important cultural traditions such as language use. Thus, census data can provide an index to the permanence of Hispanic populations and to their degree of assimilation in the US. However, these data cannot illuminate the degree to which Hispanics have established institutions to maintain and to recreate Hispanic culture in the alien cultural context of the US. To gauge the extent to which Hispanics, or for that matter other immigrant groups, attempt to maintain and recreate their culture in the new cultural milieu, one must examine the extent to which they establish institutions to do so. Typically, social institutions like churches, schools and ethnic clubs fulfil this function, while ethnic-based businesses and the mass media like newspapers, radio and television often play a supplemental role in preserving and strengthening ethnic identity.

More than 50 years ago, in his book, Spanish-Speaking Groups in the United States, John Burma (1954, p. 38) predicted that the Spanish-language press in the US would disappear within 15 years.

The Vedas on Wars

Several references to wars, their conduct and the techniques employed in them may be found in the Vedas and the Purānās. L.M. Singhvi, in his foreword to one English translation of the Ŗg Veda (Satya Prakash and Vidyalankar, 1980), said that in the Vedic vision of human society, men were not seen to be aggressive, oppressive or predatory in nature, but rather they were under an obligation to protect and preserve and to aid and comfort mankind everywhere. A Ŗg Vedic hymn talks about togetherness which shines down on a fractured and fragmented world out of whose womb the new world order is struggling to be born (Ŗg 6.75.14 and Ŗg 10.101.2). But it is noteworthy though, to find how persistently, sonorously and prayerfully the Ŗg Vedic Samhita calls upon the cosmic forces to accept the sacrifices being offered and ensure that enemies are subdued in war.

The gods are described as being well equipped for war with transport, weapons, armour and the strength and intent to slay the enemy. The heavenly architects and technicians – Rbhu, Vibhu and Vaja were associated with roadways, airways and waterways respectively (Ŗg 40.4.33, 9.34.1). Rbhu (a word derived from Uru) was associated with Indra, i.e. with mid space (both airways and spacecraft). Vaja was the artificer of the gods, looking after them as well as the roadways and chariots. Vibhu (from Vaibhava meaning rich and powerful) was associated with Varuna or the oceans i.e. waterways and ships.

Background

The membership of the Boro-Garo branch of Tibeto-Burman has been clear, at least since the 1903 publication of Vol. III, No. II of George Grierson's Linguistic Survey of India. This volume was devoted to the “Bodo, Nāgā, & Kachin” languages and it included a map, “Bodo Group,” that is still the best map of these languages that I know. This map is reproduced here as Figure 1, but with the modern names for the languages added. Even the subgrouping within the Boro-Garo branch has received a wide consensus, although this has more often been due to copying previous guesses, than any serious new inspection of the data (Burling 1983, Egerod 1980, Hale 1982, Shafer 1966–74). Enough new data on these languages has now become available to invite a fresh consideration of their relationship.

The languages that are presumed to belong to the Boro-Garo group are listed across the bottom of Figure 2, and the forks in this diagram summarize my best present judgment about how the various languages are related to one other. The forks are numbered roughly from the top to the bottom of the diagram, and they represent splits between smaller groups within Boro-Garo. After describing some features that are characteristics of most or all of the Boro-Garo languages, I will point to the evidence that supports each of these splits.

Geographical factors provide the stage for cultural groups to work out their destinies and establish distinctive occupancy patterns. The evolution of cultural regions, emergence of cultural cores, and the direction and speed of cultural diffusion are greatly controlled by the prevailing geographical conditions of a region. Thus, the historical experiences of the people living in different geographical regions have been strikingly different. Such a situation is more marked in countries like India where the large areal extent, vast physical diversity and unique geographical location have made it a known case of unity in diversity in terms of the cultural pattern.

The physical framework of the Indian subcontinent determined the initial migration routes as well as the choice of the settlement area (river valleys or interfluvial tracts) by the incoming cultural streams originating from different parts of Asia. The scarcity of food and the presence of natural barriers, such as rivers, hill ranges, or desert expanses curbed their freedom of movement. Over the wide open valleys and the undulating plains on the plateau, they could also perceive social barriers erected along the contact lines between different ethnic groups and enforced by social customs. It may be assumed that the primeval culture domains were ethnically homogeneous and socially defined as their violation invited conflict, followed by internecine wars. Initially, there was a remote possibility of cultural overlap. Subbarao (1958, pp. 8–35) used detailed archaeological data to demonstrate the preservation of mutual exclusiveness in the remote hill tracts.

Our healthcare and family welfare programmes are supposed to be demand driven under the new paradigm given in the post ICPD (International Conference on Population and Development, held in Cairo, 1994) era (United Nations Population Fund, 2004). But supply side issues are also considered equally important in terms of availability and quality of services. The network of Primary Health Centres (PHCs) and Sub-Centres (SCs) is the mode for providing healthcare services to the rural masses. The emphasis on family planning and immunization is obvious in view of the enormity of the population problem affecting the economic development and conditions of the poor in the country. The PHCs and SCs are also responsible for the prevention and eradication of major communicable and deficiency diseases such as malaria, filaria, tuberculosis, leprosy, blindness, and diarrhoea.

In rural areas, government health centres and government programmes play a key role in the provision of prenatal, natal, and postnatal services, including family planning services, immunization and treatment of common diseases. The implementation of the programme depends to a large extent on the availability and performance of doctors and Auxiliary Nurse Midwives (ANMs), Multi-Purpose Health Workers (MPHWs), trained birth attendants and village health guides. These grassroot level functionaries are the backbone of the health and family welfare programmes in the rural areas.

In the family welfare programmes, the Maternal and Child Health (MCH) care provisions are unbalanced, focussing on immunization and the provision of iron and folic acid rather than on sustained care of women and children, or on the detection and referral of high-risk cases.

China looms large over the emerging strategic landscape of global politics. The rise of China as an emerging great power and as the most likely challenger to the global preponderance of the US is already having a significant impact across the globe. The rapidity of China's rising profile has surprised many though it should have been obvious to those following China's economic trajectory. As China became economically powerful, it was bound to become ambitious and assert its profile across the globe. This is a trend that all great powers have followed throughout history. China has thrived because it devotes itself to economic development while letting the US police the region and the world. Even as it decries American hegemony, its leaders envision Pax Americana extending well into the middle of the present century, at least until China becomes a middle-class society and, if present trends continue, the world's largest economy. However, while declaring that it will be focusing on internal socio-economic development for the next decade or so, China has actively pursued policies of preventing the rise of other regional powers such as Japan and India in order to attain primacy in the region.

While realising well that it would take China decades to seriously compete with the US for global hegemony, China has focused its strategic energies on Asia. Its foreign policy is aimed at enhancing its economic and military prowess to achieve regional hegemony in Asia.

A major change occurred after the Sepoy Mutiny in 1857. The East India Company ceased to exist as such; the European troops merged with the Imperial British Army and the Indian troops were re-organised.

The Indian Army before Independence

Grouping based on class and religion were the main features in the army. In the re-organisation, after abolishing some and amalgamating the others in the then existing British and Indian regiments, the ratio of Indian troops to English troops was 2 to 1 in the Bengal army and 3 to 1 in the Bombay and Madras armies. Even the recruitment patterns changed. While earlier there were mixed regiments in Bombay (men from different parts of the country), the Bengal and Punjab army men of different classes and religions were now grouped into separate companies of the same regiments. The native officers of these Companies belonged to the same class and religion. Thus Sikh, Rajput, Brahmin, Punjabi, Muslim, Pathan, Dogra, Gurkha, even Pioneer with mazhabi Sikh Companies came into being and existed as water tight entities ostensibly for cohesion and efficiency. There was also severe curtailment in the recruitment of high caste Brahmins and Rajputs, who until then had filled the ranks of Bengal Army. A chasm may have appeared between the different classes and castes grouped in the name of efficiency to avoid any further subversion in the army. Such separate entities continue to exist till today (Gautam Singh, 1966, pp. 241–242).

Scholars of economic development contend that socioeconomic conditions in economically–depressed urban areas can be improved if those urban areas utilize economic development projects as a means to attract private investment in the form of new businesses. An increase in the number of businesses, representing new economic development projects in the urban areas, would increase job opportunities and enhance the quality of life of the residents. From the perspective of government officials, the enterprise zone programme can be a means by which private investment capital could be attracted into local areas which, in turn, would revitalize the local economy. In order to understand the intricacies of the enterprise zone concept, there is a need to refer to the British and Dutch experiences of two decades following the Second World War. Hong Kong's economic experience in recent times has also influenced the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States (US) as they attempt to address blighted conditions.

In order to address rapid loss of jobs in central cities, the enterprise zone concept was developed as a way to aid or reduce economic depression in many communities. The zone concept is recognized as a means to create jobs and to ease pressure on local governments to provide social services with a diminishing tax base. In light of these economic difficulties, state and local governments have attempted to try to reverse the slide of their respective economies caused by a combination of declining tax revenues and rising demands for services (Spindler and Forrester, 1993, p. 28).

China has initiated a concerted military modernisation programme in the last few decades, the impact of which is being felt in the neighbourhood, including on India. An important dimension of China's rise recently is its military modernisation programme, which was enhanced after the People's Liberation Army (PLA) suffered losses in the 1979 Vietnam War. The 1985 “structural reorganisation” plan had relatively succeeded in putting the rank and file of the PLA on the road to a “lean and mean” armed forces. Hardware and software modernisation of the PLA and double-digit increases in the defence budget allocations, in the last two decades, were to make it one of the major forces to contend with in the region. It is generally recognised that by 1999, the PLA was making a turnaround from large infantry-based armed force to that of gradually acquiring the potential to project power abroad. This was part of the strategy to transit from mechanisation to information-based warfare.

The transition in the PLA are clearly visible. On January 11, 2007, China conducted an anti-satellite test with a ground-based missile destroying one of its retired Fengyun satellites located at about 860 km in orbit. Three years later, the same day in 2010, China conducted successfully an interceptor missile test. The Chinese air force has unveiled newer versions of multi-role aircrat (J-10), while acquiring others from Russia (Su-27 and Su-30). In October 2006, a Chinese conventional submarine trailed USS Kittyhawk near Okinawa.

Located in southwest Florida, Collier County is one of the largest and wealthiest counties in the state. Larger than the state of Delaware, Collier County was created in 1923 and was named after Barron Gift Collier, a businessman born in Memphis who promoted the region's development and the completion of the Tamiami Trail in 1928 using his personal fortune from streetcar advertising. The County includes important environmental preserves such as the Everglades National Park, Big Cypress Wildlife Preserve and Ten Thousand Islands as well as urban settlements such as Naples, Marco Island, Everglades City and Immokalee (Fig. 14.1). The population of Collier County has increased from 6,500 in 1950 to over 325,000 in 2008. Development has been concentrated along the Atlantic Gulf Coast from Marco Island to Naples and northward to Vanderbilt Beach near Pelican Bay.

A centre for vegetable farming and cattle raising, Immokalee is an unincorporated community in the northeast portion of Collier County. A significant seasonal influx of migrant workers to Immokalee serves the vegetable farms and orange groves in the surrounding areas. The Immokalee region has the lowest per capita income in Collier County and over 80 per cent of its population is Hispanic. Immokalee was near the early route of soldiers from the Seminole War who pursued the Seminole tribe into the Big Cypress Forest Reserve. Settlers began occupying Immokalee in the 1870s. the vicinity of Immokalee is the planned town of Ave Maria which was established in 2006.