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The First Greek Drama on the Hebrew Stage: Tyrone Guthrie's Oedipus Rex at the Habima

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 January 2009

Dwora Gilula
Dwora Gilula
Affiliation:
Dwora GilulaLectures in the Department of Theatre Studies, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem
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Extract

On the Hebrew Stage, Greek and Roman drama was never a first priority, The Habima Theatre, from its inception in 1917 to the present day, staged only six classical productions (out of more than four hundred), the Cameri Theatre – four, the Haifa Municipal Theatre – five, the Ohel theatre, in all of its forty-four years of activity (1925–69), although it staged 163 plays, never found the need or drive to produce a Greek or a Roman drama, and the young Beer-Sheba Theatre, the last addition to Israel's theatrical establishment, although daring and innovative, has yet to venture into the classical world. The reasons are not far to seek, and there are weighty local reasons in addition to the general cultural factors, which have contributed to the scarcity of classical drama productions. Hellenism and Hellenization, according to the view held even today by some educated and secular Israelis, are not neutral entities. The terms themselves are polemic, connote cultural assimilation, and stand for departure from national Jewish values and the forfeit of cultural originality and independence. From the times of the Hebrew Enlightenment movement, however, classical languages and culture became an integral part of the curriculum of Jewish studies even in religious institutions of higher learning, such as the Bar-Ilan University. On the other hand, as a reaction to the classical culture becoming an embodiment of secular, anti-clerical Zionist renaissance, the extreme Orthodox establishment in contemporary Israel has continued to treat it as a dangerous desecration and even extended the derogatory use of the term ‘Hellenization’ to cover the entire Western cultural influence. As a result until today classical literature has only a marginal place in the high-schools' curriculum, it is not an immediate, and certainly not the most important source from which Hebrew writers and playwrights draw their inspiration, and even well educated spectators have at best only a very superficial knowledge of the classical heritage. The few classical plays produced on the Hebrew stage were chosen at random, chiefly because leading or popular directors insisted on directing a certain play, or because a play, which achieved success in Europe, was transplanted lock, stock and barrel to Israel, sometimes together with its director.

Type
Articles
Information
Theatre Research International , Volume 13 , Issue 2 , Summer 1988 , pp. 131 - 146
Copyright
Copyright © International Federation for Theatre Research 1988

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References

Notes

* This paper is based on the following newspaper articles, not always specifically referred to or cited:

Ariel, , Davar, 7 03 1947Google Scholar; Av, Y., Ashmoreth, 19 02 1947Google Scholar; Bar-Mordechai, S., Haboker, 14 02 1947Google Scholar; Cohen, Y., Haolam, 9 01 1947Google Scholar; Brod, M., Hagalgal, 27 02 1947Google Scholar; Brunsaft, M., Gazith 100 (11 1946–04 1947), p. 151Google Scholar; Davidith, R., Davar Hashavua, 20 02 1947Google Scholar; Feuerstein, A., Gazith 100, pp. 152–3Google Scholar; Gamzu, H., Haaretz, 14 02 1947Google Scholar; Gardiner, A., Ashmoreth, 19 02 1947Google Scholar; Giladi, D., Yedioth Aharonoth, II 02 1947Google Scholar; Gruenblatt, N., Hapoel Hatzair 21, 19 02 1947Google Scholar; Keisari, U., Haaretz, 14 02 1947Google Scholar; Malkin, D. B., Mishmar, 21 and 28 02 1947Google Scholar; Mink, P., Hagalgal, 13 03 1947Google Scholar; Stern, A., Olam Haisha, 6 03 1947Google Scholar; Yafe, A. B., Bama 51 (1947), pp. 12–17Google Scholar; Zangen, B., Hege, 31 01 1947Google Scholar; Zusman, E., Davar, 28 02 1947Google Scholar; and the following anonymous articles: Haolam Haze, 26 12 1946, 2 and 9 01 1947, 13 and 20 02 1947Google Scholar; Kol Haam, 28 02 1947Google Scholar; Palestine Post, 15 02 1947Google Scholar; Yedioth Aharonoth, 2 and 9 01 1947, 6, 10 and 12 02 1947Google Scholar; and the following interviews with Guthrie in the Palestine Post, 27 12 1946Google Scholar; 7 Feb. and 10 April 1947.

1. Two recent examples: (a) The noted Israeli sculptor and painter, Yigal Tumarkin, said recently in an interview, that he feels a Jew up to a point, ‘When the Talmud starts with its sophistries, I cross over to Greece.’ Yedioth Aharonoth, 28 11 1986Google Scholar; (b) Among several suggestions for celebrating Hanukha in the Israeli Army one was to organize a ‘Greek Gods Party’, with the soldiers dressing up as gods from Greek Mythology. After a fierce attack in the Orthodox press, the suggestion was withdrawn and the Army Chief Education Officer apologized for the foolish suggestion, Al Hamishmar, 9 12 1986.Google Scholar

2. This was the case, e.g., with Aristophanes' Lysistrata, directed by the young Greek director M. Volonakis (Habima, , 17 12 1958Google Scholar), with S. Berkoff's adaptation of Agamemnon (Haifa Municipal Theatre, 29 12 1979Google Scholar), and most recently with the London production of the Oresteia (Habima, 13 06 1984).Google Scholar

3. Cf. Finkel, S., Gilgulim (Tel Aviv 1977), p. 70Google Scholar; Finkel saw in it yet another proof, that plays in Habima were chosen at random without a clear repertoire policy, cf. Finkel, S., Bama Uklaim (Tel Aviv 1968), p. 202Google Scholar; Oedipus Rex is not one of the plays which the Board of Directors initially decided to suggest to Guthrie at its 16 July 1946 meeting (‘The Habima Board of Directors Minutes’, now in the Israeli Theatre Archives, Tel Aviv University, hereafter ITA). The General Assembly, at its 29 July 1946 meeting voted for Sheridan's School for Scandal and A. Obey's Noah; in its meeting of 29 Sept. 1946, Oedipus Rex is first mentioned as one of Guthrie's preferences, discussed and accepted, but not unanimously: Levy is wrong in stating that the staging of Oedipus Rex was due to Finkel's initiative, cf. Levy, E., Habima – Israel's National Theater 1977–1977 (New York 1979), pp. 178–9Google Scholar, it was his initiative only insofar as he wanted Habima to produce not only specifically Jewish plays. At the 29 Sept. meeting, Finkel proposed Shaw's Saint Joan.

4. Finkel, , Gilgulim, p. 92.Google Scholar

5. The exceptions were: four plays directed by Leopold Lindberg and two by Leopold Jessner, both German directors (six plays out of seventy-nine).

6. Interview with Finkel, S. (Tel Aviv, 13 11 1986Google Scholar), and cf. Cohen, Y., Haolam, 9 01 1947.Google Scholar

7. In a letter, which Finkel read at Habima's General Assembly meeting of 29 Sept. 1946.

8. Guthrie, T., A Life in the Theatre (Toronto 1953), p. 259Google Scholar; and see note 3, above.

9. At that time Guthrie was no longer the senior authority in the Old Vie. It was Olivier's wish and the decision of the then managing ‘Triumvirate’, i.e. Richardson, R., Burrell, J., and Olivier, L., cf. Forsyth, J., Tyrone Guthrie: A Biography (London 1976), pp. 192–3Google Scholar; and see Five Seasons of the Old Vic Theatre Company (London 1949), pp. 17–25, and esp. p. 19Google Scholar, photos I and 2; cf. also Roberts, P., The Old Vu Story (London 1976). pp. 135–6.Google Scholar

10. Cf. Korsyth, , Tyrone Guthrie, pp. 202, 256–9, 319–23.Google Scholar

11. The prologue which Guthrie composed was not published. Sorry, but I remember by heart only the first lines.’ (S. Finkel, in a private communication of 27 Nov. 1986). Some of Schlonsky's alterations may be examined in Finkel's copy of Oedipus Rex, now in the Israeli 1 healre Museum – Tel Aviv.

12. Finkel, Interview; T. Guthrie's letter of 2 Nov. 1946 addressed to A. Warschawcr, of which I saw a Hebrew translation (in Kinkel's collection of private papers deposited in The Israeli Theatre Museum Tel Aviv). Guthrie writes, that he prepares the production consulting a Greek-English edition; cf. also, Guthric, T., Haaretz, 18 04 1947.Google Scholar

13. Guthrie, , A Life, p. 260Google Scholar; Shalom (Siegfried) Sebba, 1897–1975, also designed the sets for the following Habima's productions: Schiller, Wilhelm Tell (18 07 1936)Google Scholar, Shaw, I., Bury Your Dead (4 05 1937)Google Scholar, Čapek, , The White Plague (28 09 1938)Google Scholar; for his work on Oedipus Rex he received 150 Palestine Pounds. The contract of 8 Nov. 1946 is in the ITA; cf. photos of the stage design, of the set and some of the costumes in Drawings for the Theatre of Habimah 1918–1978 Catalogue (Tel Aviv Museum 1978), pp. 20, 64Google Scholar; two original costume drawings are on display in the Israeli Theatre Museum – Tel Aviv; ef. also Brunsaft, M., Gazith 100 (11 1946–04 1947), p. 151.Google Scholar

14. ‘Guthrie pared the number of columns down to four. Initially he requested an orchestra of forty-five men. When he learned that this was not economically viable, he settled for one big drum. This was all the music.’ (Finkel, Interview). In an interview Sebba gave to the reporter Ariel, Davar, 7 03 1947Google Scholar, he explains the set's symbolism and simplicity.

15. This symbolism was not entirely understood by some of the theatre critics, who commented on the pale blue colour as not becoming the stature and masculinity of Meskin, cf. Gamzu, H., Haaretz, 14 02 1947Google Scholar, but cf. Malkin, D. B., Hamishmar, 28 02 1947Google Scholar, who grasped the colours' significance correctly.

16. ‘The lighting was superb, it created deep Rembrandtesque effects, it moulded the stage and the characters, doing away with the actual stage décor and building instead a new and different stage space and men.’ Zusman, E., Davar, 28 02 1947.Google Scholar

17. Cf. Guthrie's letter to Warschawer (note 12, above); Finkel, , Gilgulim, p. 90Google Scholar; Levy, , Habima. pp. 162–5.Google Scholar

18. Finkel, Interview.

19. Guthrie's visit coincided with the 25th Jubilee of The Dybbuk and its 1000th performance; there were special performances to celebrate the event on 26 29 Jan. 1917: of. Gamzu, H.. Haaretz. 21 01 1947Google Scholar; Guthrie attended performances of other theatres as well, cf. the 18 Jan. 1947 entry in D. Vardi's diary (now in the ITA).

20. Guthrie, T., ‘Impressions of Habima’, Theatre Arts Monthly (08 1947)Google Scholar, repr. in Guthrie, T., In Various Directions: A View of Theatre (London 1965), pp. 1801Google Scholar; idem, Haaretz, 18 04 1947.Google Scholar

21. Finkel, , Gilgulim, p. 90.Google Scholar

22. Guthrie had the entire production planned out in advance, the date of the first night was fixed, and he worked according to his time-table. That he succeeded in keeping it was particularly amazing to the Habima people, for he never rehearsed longer than the alloted time, even when it meant stopping in the middle of a scene, cf. Finkel, , Gilgulim, p. 91Google Scholar; he kept, however, long hours and the work was very intensive, cf. Haolam Haze, 20 02 1947Google Scholar, and diary, D. Vardi's, 21 and 22 01 1947 entries.Google Scholar

23. Guthrie, , A Life, pp. 261–2Google Scholar; and cf. also p. 149.

24. Finkel, Interview. And not as Stanislavsky used to say ‘To understand is to feel’. Finkel writes that such was his experience with his Oedipus: he started to feel the part only through the actual acting process, Gilgulim, p. 92.Google Scholar

25. Finkel, , Gilgulim, p. 91.Google Scholar

26. Finkel, Interview, cf. also, Finkel, S., Hanna Rovina (Tel Aviv 1978), p. 143.Google Scholar

27. Bertonov, J., Oroth Mibead Lamasach (Tel Aviv 1969), p. 94.Google Scholar

28. Haolam Haze, 13 02 1947.Google Scholar

29. Finkel thinks that Guthrie was influenced by the dancing beggars of The Dybbuk. (Interview); cf. Levy, , Habima, p. 322, n. 16Google Scholar; Guthrie, , A Life, p. 261.Google Scholar

30. Stern, A., Olam Haisha, 6 03 1947.Google Scholar

31. Quoted by Gamzu, H., Haaretz, 14 02 1947Google Scholar; cf. also Guthrie's article in Davar, 17 01 1947Google Scholar, and in Kol Haam, 28 02 1947Google Scholar; the interview with Guthrie in Palestine Post, 27 12 1946Google Scholar; K. Lubitsch's letter to the actress Friedland, D. of 7 02 1957Google Scholar (now in the ITA): ‘I do not think that the performance here was entirely realistic, and the tendency towards ritual was very clear.’

32. Guthrie's letter to Warschawer (note 12, above), my retranslation from the Hebrew version.

33. Cf. Malkin, D. B., Mishmar, 28 02 1947Google Scholar; Zusman, E., Davar, 28 02 1947Google Scholar, thought that Amitai erred in his non-Sophoclean interpretation of Tiresias. The concept, however, was Guthrie's; but cf. K. Lubitch's letter (note 31, above): ‘Guthrie was unable to free himself from Amitai's influence, for he was the origin of the part.’

34. Finkel, , Gilgulim, p. 92Google Scholar; Bemavoch Tafkidai (Tel Aviv 1971), p. 82.Google Scholar

35. Cf. Forsyth, , Tyrone Guthrie, p. 194–5Google Scholar; ‘Guthric did not mention during the rehearsals the Old Vic production and never said to me anything about the way in which Lawrence Olivier acted the part.’ ‘(Finkel, S., in a private communication, 27 11 1986).Google Scholar

36. Radio Week, 21 02 1947.Google Scholar

37. Malkin, D. B., Mishmar, 28 02 1947.Google Scholar

38. Idem.

39. Malkin, D. B., Bama 51 (1947), pp. 27–8.Google Scholar

40. Zusman, E., Davar, 28 02 1947.Google Scholar

41. Malkin, D. B., Mishmar, 28 02 1947Google Scholar; see also Brod, M., Hagalgal, 27 02 1947Google Scholar; Haolam Haze, 20 02 1947.Google Scholar

42. Guthrie, T., Haaretz, 18 04 1947.Google Scholar

43. Guthric, , A Life, p. 271.Google Scholar

44. Davar, 1 01 1947Google Scholar; Haolam, 9 01 1947.Google Scholar For the following events, cf. Palestine Post 2, 3, 10, 12, 14, 17, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31 01 1947, and 2 02 1947.Google Scholar

45. The headline of the 2 Feb. 1947 article in the Palestine Post is ‘Producer to Stay’ in which the following paragraph is included ‘Mr Tyrone Guthrie, who is at present engaged on rehearsals of a new play with the Habima Theatre was yesterday morning advised to move from the hotel where he is staying into the quarters inside Sarona.’ Guthrie did not move into the army quarters. Habima took upon itself the responsibility for his well being, Haolam Haze, 20 02 1947Google Scholar; Guthrie, , A Life, pp. 263–5.Google Scholar

46. The offer was debated at the General Assembly meeting of 2 Feb. 1947. Guthrie finally returned only in 1959 to direct a modern dress production of the Merchant of Venice. In 1970 he declined Finkel's offer to direct the Oresteia (Finkel, Interview).

47. As Guthrie himself put it: ‘In Israel a threatrical first night is a matter of public interest comparable to a big ball game in the United States or an important cricket match in England.’ A Life, p. 263.Google Scholar

48. Haolam Haze, 13 02 1947.Google Scholar

49. Radio Week, 21 02 1947.Google Scholar

50. Giladi, D., Yedioth Aharonoth, 11 02 1947.Google Scholar

51. Zusman, E., Davar, 28 02 1947.Google Scholar

52. Levy, , Habima, pp. 183–5Google Scholar; tne tour was a financial fiasco. There was no money to ship the stage décor back, and Sebba's décor was drowned in the ocean. (A. Tal, Interview).

53. Atkinson, Brooks, New York Times, 24 05 1948Google Scholar; and cf. Garland, R., New York Journal AmericanGoogle Scholar: ‘The old Greek gods are dead!’; Wilken, Jeanette, Daily News, 24 05 1948Google Scholar: This was not the right play for either the Hebrew-speaking group or their American audience.'

54. The Old Vic performed in New York from 6 May to 16 June 1946, cf. Five Seasons, p. 23Google Scholar; the Habima from 22 May till 27 May 1948.

55. A 1946 review in The Saturday Review, reprinted in Brown, J. M., Dramatis Personas (London 1962), p. 207.Google Scholar

56. See also McCord, B., New York Herald Tribune, 24 05 1948.Google Scholar There were, however, other views: ‘Shimon Finkel here lives up to the possibilities of the role, evoking all the horror in the situation. His anguished cry of realization is every bit as chilling as was that of Laurence Olivier when he did his English version of the play here a couple of years ago.’ Wilken, J., Daily News, 24 05 1948.Google Scholar

57. Gruenblatt, N., Hapoel Halzair 21, 19 02 1947, p. II.Google Scholar