Economic sanctions have inflicted various economic difficulties on Iranian families. The extent to which these sanctions-induced calamities have affected Iranian older adults’ material well-being remains unknown. Meanwhile, inadequate institutional support for the disadvantaged older population may worsen their precarious economic well-being. We use household-level surveys and quantile regression analysis to explore changes in Iranian older persons’ material well-being during the sanctions era. We also examine whether Iran’s pension system has alleviated the adverse effects of economic sanctions. Our investigation indicates that older adults’ material well-being decreases during sanctions. However, those without pension coverage are economically more vulnerable compared with pensioners. Among the non-pensioners, low-income and low-consumption ones are susceptible to relatively more considerable material well-being losses. To protect these vulnerable groups, policymakers should implement appropriate policy interventions, such as expansions in non-contributory anti-poverty schemes.

Activation schemes are widely criticised, with the negative experiences of ‘the activated’ featuring prominently in the literature. This article presents the findings of a constructivist grounded theory study concerning the lived experience of long-term unemployment, welfare recipiency and community placement in activation schemes in Ireland, with a focus on the positive effects that participating in such schemes had on participants’ subjective well-being. For the participants in this research, community placement signified change, respite, and recovery that improved their subjective well-being by creating an experience that counteracted the draining experience of long-term unemployment and welfare recipiency. This study brings new elements to the discussion on the role of activation in promoting/diminishing the subjective well-being of the long-term unemployed.

There is limited research on the effect of unpaid care on the public finances, and on the inequalities present when providing support to those with caring responsibilities. The aims of this research are to estimate the overall costs to the State of providing care, and to identify sub-groups of carers with relatively greater costs to the government who may need more support. We used waves eight to ten from the United Kingdom Household Longitudinal Survey and performed two-part Generalised Linear Models and Propensity Score Matching. We found that providing care is associated with excess and potentially avoidable costs to government in terms of forgone earnings-related tax revenue, welfare benefits, and health service use. Older carers have lower healthcare costs, indicating, perhaps, issues related to accessing to services due to their role (as they may neglect their own health, worry about safety and costs of public transport). Older carers were also found to have lower levels of welfare benefits, suggesting challenges associated with applying for support (such as navigating cumbersome application processes and stigma-related barriers).

Since 2013, China has rolled out a policy to contract welfare services to non-governmental forces. This has stimulated a growing body of research on the change of China’s welfare governance. This article focuses on a topic that needs to be added, which is the variation of contracting across different service sectors and the operation of the policy in meeting the needs of marginal people. Based on policy analyses and in-depth interviews, we examine services contracting in the sectors of disability and Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS). We found a lack of services provision for the marginal groups in the general contracting of public service. Between the two sectors, we found variations in their definition of welfare services, institutional settings, and specific contracting practices. We argue that while contracting is often seen as a new welfare governance mechanism, it fails to revitalise social services and reproduces welfare inequalities across different groups in China.

Living life on a poverty income remains commonplace in most modern welfare states. A growing literature highlights the impact on individuals, families, and communities of poverty, costs that are both current to the experience and reflecting its scarring effects. A further cost, one that is frequently hidden, is the cumulative and recurring public expenditure associated with policy responses to poverty. These costs derive from the identification of poverty as a determining factor in the need for, and demand for, a wide range of public services. Estimating the nominal value of these costs, based on an assessment of public expenditure in one EU-15 state, Ireland, is the focus of this article. The findings establish annual costs of between €3bn-€7bn and highlight for all members of society, whether above or below the poverty line, the recurring public expenditure costs incurred by society as a result of poverty.

While debates about the effectiveness of labour service cooperation policies are raging in Western countries, more information about this topic is needed in the Chinese context. Using the difference-in-differences identification framework and provincial panel data to estimate the employment-promoting effects of the labour service cooperation policy implemented in pilot provinces in China, this study found that the labour service cooperation policy helped to reduce the number of unemployed people and that public–private cooperation created a new approach by combining all stakeholders, such as job seekers, employers, and public employment service agencies. The labour service cooperation policy had a lag policy effect on employment promotion, which was persistent and constantly amplified. The policy was more effective when implemented in regions where the manufacturing industry is the primary sector and the unemployment burden is high.

Public Employment Services (PES) increasingly use automated statistical profiling algorithms (ASPAs) to ration expensive active labour market policy (ALMP) interventions to those they predict at risk of becoming long-term unemployed (LTU). Strikingly, despite the critical role played by ASPAs in the operation of public policy, we know very little about how the technology works, particularly how accurate predictions from ASPAs are. As a vital first step in assessing the operational effectiveness and social impact of ASPAs, we review the method of reporting accuracy. We demonstrate that the current method of reporting a single measure for accuracy (usually a percentage) inflates the capabilities of the technology in a peculiar way. ASPAs tend towards high false positive rates, and so falsely identify those who prove to be frictionally unemployed as likely to be LTU. This has important implications for the effectiveness of spending on ALMPs.

The study is aimed at exploring the influencing factor of wages among social service workers (SSWs) through a cross-country analysis. Using Luxembourg Income Study data, two aspects are emphasised: first, the trends and patterns of wage levels among SSWs. Second, the determining factors that influence their low wages at a cross-national level and how those factors are intersectionally intertwined to exacerbate the wage level. Three significant findings are confirmed: a universal gendered wage gap; a more significant wage gap for those on part-time and/or fractured contracts and employed in the private sector; and a substantial association between a higher education and higher wages. Two policy concerns are raised for discussion: first, tackling the gendered wage gap and ensuring more secure employment, and a guaranteed living wage for those employed in the private sector. Second, enhancing the professionalism for empowering their effective choices in the labour market is essential.

To date, practical and scholarly work on the interaction between formal and informal social protection has focused on crowding in and crowding out of informal social protection by formal social protection. However, little is known about the relationship between both forms of social protection in conditions where one form of social protection is more effective than the other, or both forms of social protection are effective and ineffective. This article empirically examines how both forms of social protection interact and conceptualises this relation under these conditions by drawing on ninety semi-structured interviews with households across fourteen cities in Pakistan. The study theorises the interaction of formal and informal social protection in five different ways. Based on this, the article argues for further research to explore the relationship between formal and informal social protection in different contexts for building scholarship and policy interventions to improve the lives of the vulnerable.

This paper intends to investigate the mutual benefits of examining sexual minority people’s rights in Hong Kong and Confucianism. It has four objectives. Firstly, it aims to discuss the components of Confucianism. Secondly, it seeks to explore three strategies for promoting Confucianism: ‘Ren’, ‘Li’, and ‘Ideal Society’. Thirdly, it aims to demonstrate how analysing these strategies can enhance our understanding of the relationship between sexual minority rights in Hong Kong and Confucianism. To achieve this objective, it undertakes two analytical tasks: first, to evaluate criticisms of efforts aimed at strengthening sexual minority people’s rights in Hong Kong through the lens of these three strategies; and second, to assess the potential usefulness of these strategies in exploring the compatibility between the sexual minority people’s ways of life and Confucianism. Finally, the paper aims to examine how studying sexual minority people’s rights in Hong Kong can contribute to the discussion of the Confucian welfare model.

This article highlights the interconnection between Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer (LGBTQ+) research and social policy research, and argues that a greater focus on the welfare needs of gender and sexual minority people can advance the defamilisation and familisation literature. While defamilisation and familisation studies have gained significant attention for examining whether individuals, especially women, have adequate opportunities to balance their work and caregiving responsibilities, most of them pay insufficient attention to the challenges faced by LGBTQ+ individuals in organising their caring and working life. This article addresses this research gap by undertaking three analytical tasks. Firstly, it explores the defamilisation and familisation risks faced by LGBTQ+ individuals. Secondly, it presents a ‘queer life mix framework’ to inform the selection of suitable welfare models to guide governments in tackling these risks. Thirdly, it demonstrates how the ideas of the queer life mix framework can be put into practice.

Developing an old-age service system that can meet the fast-growing needs of the aging population is challenging. It is increasingly recognised that community-level services should be pivotal in providing services to older people. In this article, the authors use the Chinese experience and argue that because the state is not clear how such a system should look like, all actors behave like entrepreneurs who strategise, take risks and search for a viable “business model”. The research draws upon in-depth interviews and focus groups in six cities in China collected in 2015-2016 and follow-up interviews in one community in three cities in 2021. The findings show that the service system has evolved into a dynamic entrepreneurial welfare mix that actively embraces the market. This research contributes to the theoretical development of the welfare mix. The authors also raised possible issues with such a direction of change in the conclusion.

The authors provide a scholarly conspectus of comparative studies involving Russian, EU8 and EU15 Welfare Polities. They elaborate the notion of the ‘welfare polity’ and its potential for enhancing comparative studies of welfare institutions, policies and practices. This is accompanied by an overview of trends in comparative studies involving Russian, EU8 and EU15 countries, along with a consideration of how comparative research involving these states can be strengthened. Gaps in the literature and evidence base, including systematic cross-national and temporal data on the design and implementation of social policies and social protection, are highlighted. A shared concern was found with the growth of division and exclusion exacerbated by global economic factors and by state-level policy shifts, a trend especially notable in Russian studies. Fruitful pointers for future research and international collaboration are indicated and the need for further comparative efforts emphasised at a challenging time for geopolitical relations.

Family background characteristics and educational resources are crucial in shaping individuals’ income and therefore a potential source of income inequality and inequality of opportunity. This article analyses inequalities in the Spanish diverse regions using data from the European Survey of Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC). Along this article we analyse the relevance of family background characteristics in shaping individuals’ opportunities as well as the role education plays in income inequality. Our findings show that family background characteristics are of great importance in shaping individuals’ performance and opportunities of achieving a certain level of income, well-being and education; also, educational variables at regional level, such as the education expenditure per student, are highly correlated to the levels of inequality. In view of the results, it would be advisable to implement public policies targeting vulnerable groups to ensure equal opportunities and invest in education given its potential as equalizer of income inequality.

In the last two decades, the Chinese government has made serious attempts to enhance social provision by contracting out social services. Empirical evidence suggests that openness and flexibility of resource allocation gradually decrease from Guangzhou in southern China to Beijing in northern China, amongst China’s three first-tier cities. This study further reveals that state–non-governmental organisation (NGO) relations vary not only across geographical locations but also amongst service sectors governed by government departments and mass organisations. The varied state–NGO relations across geographical locations and service sectors manifest the complexity of the state–NGO collaboration under China’s fragmented authoritarian governance system. Different local circumstances and diverse considerations of local officials involving vertical and horizontal lines of authority accounted for the variations and complexity from the eyes of NGO practitioners.

China adopted neoliberal approaches to improve the supply of quality social services in the early 2000s. How did the Chinese government manage the financial and quality risks of increasing the provision via government purchasing and how did it differ from other countries? The article examines the policy trajectory of early childhood education and care in China and Australia on this question. Policy analysis of the effect of purchasing on the cost to government and quality of services shows how both countries used subsidy arrangements to engage non-profit and private providers to expand supply. When faced with market risks, they both tightened regulations, but China differed in the speed and strength of their response, restricting the proportion of private providers. The findings have implications for understanding the risks of relying on market forces in other social service sectors, and how policy can effectively respond.

This article maps how inclusive discourses aimed at addressing systemic racism and anti-Black racism circulate and operate within youth social policy in Ontario, Canada. Numerous reports and programmes attempt to understand systemic racism and propose new approaches to youth work in addressing youth violence, underemployment, underachievement, etc. This article demonstrates how efforts to counter state violence and systemic racism are pulled into the economic and political framework of racial neoliberal and colonial standards. Employing a Foucauldian genealogy of policy discourses (1992-2019) and semi-structured interviews with youth sector members, it traces how anti-racism discourses are altered by a colonial aphasia (Stoler, 2016) that in turn supports circuits of Whiteness, which continue to target, measure, train, and surveil racialised youth, limiting alternative ways of being.

For a small number of parents home education is a preferred alternative to school and in England more parents are taking up this option. This has refuelled a long-running debate about the adequacy of a regulatory framework under which parents are not required to register their children as home educated and provision is not routinely monitored. This article highlights concerns regarding the ability of local authorities to fulfil their duty to safeguard these children, drawing on interviews with sixty-eight officials working in twenty local authorities, national surveys of local education and safeguarding agencies and interviews with thirty-eight staff working in twenty-five schools. We argue that, although the Government’s Department of Education is committed to introducing compulsory registration of home-educated children, more is needed to strengthen local authority powers and to address the reasons why some parents choose, or feel pressured, to take their children out of school.

This study aims to empirically understand the precarity of food delivery work at online platforms particularly during the COVID-19-led devastations. Food delivery workers are the new form of the global phenomenon in the labour market. This is a result of access to cheap internet and smartphones among customers, which has enabled the platform to create a new form of labour market. Platform-based food aggregators use the terminology of 'delivery partners’ for these workers which alters the traditional employer-employee relationships, allowing corporations to evade labour-related responsibilities. This makes working conditions at digital platforms highly precarious and is reflected by low income and the non-existence of labour welfare measures. The COVID-19 pandemic and resultant lockdowns have worsened the precarious nature of on-demand work. It has caused a massive loss of livelihoods and erosion of income, showing the importance of traditional employer-employee relationships. These precarious working conditions call for affirmative actions in the form of regulations.