Ever since its establishment Indonesia has been notorious for its disregard of international law and world opinion as expressed through the United Nations. The recent policy of confrontation to crush Malaysia is merely the culmination of a series of posturings by Asia's sawdust Caesar.

As long ago as early 1945, in the latter days of the Japanese occupation, Soekarno was outlining his views of the Indonesia to be. In February and May of that year he participated in a conference of Indonesian nationalists summoned by the Japanese to discuss the State to be created. Soekarno spoke in a way that is more expected of predatory imperialists than of anti-colonialists believing in selfdetermination. Like Mussolini, who was always harking back to ancient Rome, Soekarno referred to an ancient empire of the Middle Ages which he wished to see revived. Indonesia was to be a restoration of this, consisting not merely of the Dutch colonies which the Japanese occupied, but also of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, Borneo, Brunei, the Philippines and southern Thailand. In those days at least, Soekarno paid lip service to both international law and the realities of a political situation, recognising that in so far as Malaya, Singapore and the Philippines were concerned there might be difficulties with the United Kingdom and the United States.

In continental India the East India Company subjected European immigration to tight restrictions. Private Europeans had to obtain a licence to live in India and were forbidden to buy land. When the trade of India was thrown open to private merchants in 1813, the restriction on settlement was retained. The same licensing system applied in theory to European immigrants in the Straits Settlements, but in practice it was not enforced. In 1797 when Calcutta first enquired by what authority the European inhabitants had settled in Penang, few of them could produce licences, but no steps were taken to evict them, and in 1823 the Recorder ruled that the possession of land entitled them legally to remain in Penang.

In January of 1827 Chao Anu, the ruler of the Lao state of Vientiane, led his armies in a rapid and unopposed march across the Khorat Plateau of Northeast Siam in a sudden attack on his suzerain, the third king of Thailand's Chakri Dynasty. Reacting to Anu's presence only in late February when the Lao vanguard reached Saraburi, three days' march from Bangkok, the Thai soon mounted acounter attack which scattered and expelled the Lao forces. The sack and complete destruction of Vientiane followed, together with a massive resettlement of Lao people on what is now the Thai side of the Mekong, and in the next few years the Thai brought all the former Vientiane territories under direct administration.

The experiment with administrative decentralization in Indonesia started with a new law that was enacted in 1903. The European civil servants believed that this law would protect their position, and they did not foresee two processes that were to gradually undercut this very position. First, the citizens in the municipal councils seized the opportunity to acquire a real degree of autonomy. Secondly, the council became a platform where the Indonesian members voiced their grievances from the 1920s onwards. After the Dutch colonial era, and in particular during the Japanese period and the years of Guided Democracy, the municipalities lost most of their leeway for formulating an autonomous policy and devising budgets to the central government. Now, starting with Law 5 issued in 1973, the New Order government of Indonesia has again embarked on the path of administrative decentralization.

An exercise in nomenclature can throw interesting light on the settlement history of an area. The location, site and situation of each of the place-names could in fact be incorporated into each place-name, which can thus authenticate, or can be authenticated by, a feature or features on the landscape. Place-names, when taken in the context of the geography of the area, can also commemorate events or personages, real or mythical, a locality being thus imbued with associations at once romantic. Coloured by romance, however, historical verisimilitude then is but an incidental consideration. Frequently, place-names just serve the mundane purpose of designation, the convenient presence of such features as trees, rocks, bays and others providing the root terms for the names. Even here though, it is possible to be adventurous and the rocks and stones and trees can be conceived fancifully, or even in the full force of belief, in terms of their semblances of animals shapes or of their magical properties. They can also be interpreted as petrifications of human forms (usually heroes or heroines, or ill-fated lovers) or as having historical pertinence in being touched by, or sat upon, or having sheltered some legendary or supernatural personalities.

The Philippine society confronts formidable longer-term economic problems. The exhaustion of the land frontier suitable for production of present crops under existing techniques, which is compounded by degradation of the environment by wasteful harvesting of forestry resources and over-exploitation of inshore fisheries is an obvious problem. A comparable problem arises in the inertia built into the age structure of the Philippine population. In 1970, those under 15 years of age accounted for 45.6 per cent of all Filipinos and estimated population growth in the 1970s was 2.7 per cent, a rate more than double the “zero-growth rate”. If the growth rate should fall to the “zero-growth rate” tomorrow, the Philippine population would continue to grow for the better part of a century and would virtually double as cohorts of Filipinos entering the reproductive age group would continue to increase for many years.

The Chinese community in the Philippines before the outbreak of the Pacific War was relatively small and homogeneous in comparison with those in other Southeast Asian countries. When the Japanese occupied the Philippine islands, they found a Chinese community of less than one per cent of the total population. This small alien group did not appear to be a serious threat to the Japanese authorities. However, during the three and a half years of Japanese occupation, the Chinese maintained several guerrilla groups, which formed part of the resistance movement in the Philippines.

Studies of Indonesia in the twentieth century have properly concentrated on the history of the nationalist movement, but its external relations have been unduly neglected. It is indeed a commonplace that the Japanese invasion had a decisive impact on the fortunes of the nationalist movement and of its antagonists. But the invasion was the climax of a sequence of developments that brought the security of the Netherlands' tenure of Netherlands India into question. Apart from their intrinsic interest, those developments provide an additional context within which to appraise the nationalist movement and the Dutch reaction to it.

Charles Kingsley, a popular novelist, — he had written Westward Ho among other books and was yet to write The Water Babies, — was appointed to the Regius Chair of Modern History in Cambridge in May 1860. His lectures, it was said, were those of ‘a poet and a moralist, a politician and a theologian, and, above all, a friend and counsellor of young men’. They were, his critics agreed, certainly not those of an historian and a scholar. Such attacks upon him as an historical novelist rather than an historian, combined with the strain of coming up to Cambridge from his rectory twice a year to deliver his lectures, caused him to resign his chair in 1869, to be succeeded by John Robert Seeley. Seeley was a classicist, who had also published a religious work, Ecce Homo, the centre of one of those ferocious Victorian doctrinal controversies. He had published nothing historical but historical speculation had always interested him, and thus qualified, he became Regius professor, holding the Chair until 1895. After his Inaugural Lecture, W. H. Thompson, the witty and acid Master of Trinity, observed, ‘Well, well. I did not think we should so soon have occasion to regret poor Kingsley.’ Such were the beginnings of the serious study of imperial and colonial History in English universities.

The heritage of traditional Malay literature: A historical survey of genres, writings, and literary views By VLADIMIR BRAGINSKY Leiden: KITLV Press, 2004. Pp. xiv, 890. Notes, Bibliography, Index.

John Leyden's Malay Annals With an introductory essay by VIRGINIA MATHESON HOOKER and M. B. HOOKER Kuala Lumpur: MBRAS, 2001. Pp. 81, 361. Notes, Bibliography, Index.

We are playing relatives: A survey of Malay writing By HENK MAIER Leiden: KITLV Press, 2004. Pp. viii, 542. Notes, Bibliography, Index.

Bidasari: Jewel of Malay Muslim culture Edited by JULIAN MILLIE Leiden: KITLV Press, 2004. Pp. 310. Notes, Bibliography, Index.

A merry senhor in the Malay world: Four texts of the Syair Sinyor Kosta Edited by A. TEEUW, R. DUMAS, MUHAMMAD HAJI SALLEH, R. TOL and M. J. VAN YPEREN Leiden: KITLV Press, 2004. Pp. x, 467. Notes, Bibliography, Index.

One field of study which still remains unexplored in connection with the Japanese occupation is to examine the Japanese army's view of events by using Japanese military records. This paper gives an outline of records relating to the occupation of the Philippines found at the Military Archives of the National Institute for Defense Studies in Tokyo, and discusses their historical significance.

In Sarawak under the Brooke regime, efforts to promote rice cultivation were consistently overshadowed by the channelling of capital and labour to other more profitable economic pursuits. Measures to increase domestic rice output produced few results, and the failure of Brooke rice policy was amply demonstrated when the country faced a severe rice crisis in 1919-21. However, the lessons learnt during the crisis were soon forgotten, and despite government policies designed to reduce Sarawak's dependence on imported rice, little was accomplished during the next two decades.