‘Community Cohesion’, and the apparent lack of it, was rapidly offered as the explanation for the 2001 disturbances across northern England, and has since become a cornerstone of government approaches to race relations policy. This article explores what Community Cohesion means to welfare practitioners in Oldham, one of the affected towns. Academic discussion of Community Cohesion has been largely hostile, focusing on the language and assumptions of the government reports. While highlighting important issues, these debates have been virtually free of empirical evidence on how Community Cohesion is actually being understood and operationalised by welfare practitioners. Drawing on in-depth research with youth workers in Oldham, I argue that the Community Cohesion analysis of the state of race relations is largely accepted, and supported, by those youth workers, and that it has enabled a significant shift in the assumptions and operations of their professional practice. Within this ‘modal shift’ in practice is a moving away from the language and assumptions of ‘anti-racism’, as it has been largely understood and operationalised by youth workers on the ground, towards what I argue can be seen as ‘critical multi-culturalism’.

Britain's stance towards ethnic minorities has been janus-faced: developing an increasingly repressive and restrictive stance towards immigration, and – supported by a strident media – portraying minorities and migrants as undermining British culture and values, ‘sponging’ on the welfare state. Immigrants have been characterised as ‘cunning’, ‘loathsome’, ‘unprincipled’ and likely to ‘swamp’ British culture. Domestic policies of successive governments apparently balanced this stance with ‘community’-based initiatives, from race relations policies, community relations policies to present community cohesion policies. These have not fundamentally addressed the racism inherent in immigration policy and practice. The consequence is that the welfare of Britain's minorities – measured by outcomes in every branch of welfare provision – has largely been disregarded by the British state. Despite some liberal initiatives aimed at improving the lot of Britain's minorities, the racism inherent in policy and practice persists.

The faltering emergence of new ‘mental health’ legislation in England and Wales between 1998 and 2005 is described. The slow progress largely reflected widespread opposition to the content of the government's plans to replace the Mental Health Act of 1983. That opposition was formalised in the Mental Health Alliance, an umbrella organisation which included user and professional groups as well as voluntary sector bodies. This article highlights the main points of dispute between the government and its opponents. In particular, concerns about compulsion and the duty of the state to guarantee good quality care in every locality divided the government and its critics. The implications of these disputes are discussed, along with some questions about interest work within the Alliance.

This study explores the gap between the rhetoric and the reality of gender mainstreaming logic, paying special attention to women's bureaux in Korea. In response to international pressures for gender mainstreaming, the Korean government has established or relocated women's bureaux since the 1990s. At first glance, it appears that the government in Korea has been keen to integrate gender issues into the entire policy process. However, closer investigation draws a very different picture. Qualitative findings from interviews with civil servants in Korean women's bureaux show that the bureaux are characterised by ‘institutionalised powerlessness’ in terms of peripheral structural arrangements, visible and invisible resistance from inside and outside government bureaucracy, and a lack of staff commitment. Therefore, it is hard to draw the conclusion that gender mainstreaming via the systematisation of women's bureaux would ever go beyond symbolic gestures in Korea.

As policy makers have sought to reconfigure the public–private boundaries of their pension systems, trust has become an increasingly salient issue. At stake is the attainment of desired policy outcomes regarding retirement. By what criteria, then, should the capacity of pension institutions to build and sustain trust be assessed? This article emphasises the strategic importance of institutional design in the trust process. Building on Sztompka's seminal analysis of the institutional foundations of trust, and a substantial review of the literature and survey evidence regarding public confidence in pensions, we identify, justify and give indicative operational content to six trust benchmarks. This provides a conceptual foundation for future empirical research on the capacity of pension institutions to build and sustain trust.

Three European countries with very different tax-benefit systems have recently substantially increased the level of support for children: Austria, Spain and the UK. Austria mainly makes use of universal benefits; Spain, tax concessions; and the UK means-tested benefits and tax credits. This article addresses the question of whether the chosen strategies are in fact the most effective for each country. It considers what would have happened if these countries had transformed the architecture of their systems in either of the other two directions. It makes use of EUROMOD, the European tax-benefit microsimulation model that is designed for making cross-country comparisons, to explore the distributional and, in particular, child poverty effects of budget-neutral alternatives. The results show that three factors – the level of spending, its structure, and the way it impacts in a particular national context – affect the outcomes to varying degrees.

Direct payments have moved to the heart of the government's drive for increased user choice. At the same time, implementation has remained disappointing. This article explores the demand, supply and related factors associated with patterns of local variability in uptake and intensity of care package provision. Statistical analyses are conducted for key client groups – people with physical disabilities, older people, people with learning disabilities and people who use mental health services – using data for England from 2000–01 to 2002–03. The results suggest that direct payments variability reflects a complex array of factors, both within and beyond the control of local public actors. In particular, while local policy preferences appear to shape the extent of direct payments growth, the results also demonstrate that understanding levels of activity requires attention to local circumstances.

I see direct payments, personal cash budgets, and other ways of extending choice and control as key to developing social care for the twenty-first century (Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Community Care, Department of Health, 2004).

Discourses of citizenship have increasingly featured in social policies aimed at young people, particularly in relation to the promotion and crafting of ‘active citizens’. The inclusion of citizenship education in school curricula, the Learning and Skills development agency post-16 citizenship development programme, and the recent Green Paper Youth Matters, all speak of instilling in young people the rights and responsibilities that come with citizenship. In this article we draw on empirical work on youth transitions to explore the ways in which citizenship is learnt and lived by young people themselves. The article draws on some of the models of citizenship identified by Lister et al. (2003) in their study on young people's perceptions of citizenship, particularly considering them in relation to the gendered experiences and realities of youth transitions to adulthoods.

This article contributes to the debate about retirement age and the extent to which occupational pensions influence the decision to retire. It uses the waves of Labour Force Survey (1984–91) and Quarterly Labour Force Survey (1992–2003) to review the changes in the actual average retirement age in the UK during the period 1984–2003 by gender and ethnicity. The article investigates the link between occupational pension schemes and the actual retirement age of men and women. It explores the impact of pension type on employees' expected retirement age and the decision to take early retirement using the English Longitudinal Survey of Ageing (2002–03).

This article argues that to provide adequate historical explanations for the maltreatment of children in institutional care it is necessary to ground the analysis fully in the context of the concept of child abuse and definition of childhood that existed at the time, something that many studies fail to do. Drawing primarily on the experience of the Irish industrial schools prior to the 1970s, while most commentators suggest that children were removed into care and treated cruelly because they were poor, there were also many children who entered the industrial schools who had been abused by their parents and welcomed being protected, and the community played a key role in supporting such actions. Children were treated harshly in the industrial schools not only due to their poverty but because they were victims of parental cruelty, which was perceived to have ‘contaminated’ their childhood ‘innocence’. They were treated as the moral dirt of a social order determined to prove its purity and subjected to ethnic cleansing. Prevention of such abuse today requires a radical reconstruction of the traditional status of children in care, while justice and healing for survivors necessitates full remembrance of the totality of the abuse they experienced, and that those responsible are made fully accountable.

In most European countries a ‘childcare gap’ exists: that is, a discrepancy between the demand for and provision of childcare. Among the countries that are succeeding in closing the gap are the Nordic welfare states. Hence, knowledge about how childcare provision in these countries has developed is of wide interest. This article stresses the importance of studying how the interactive processes of changing provision and demand explain the building up and the closing of national childcare gaps. Although there are similarities in the development of Nordic childcare services, some differences stand out. The comparison indicates that complex societal processes interact in shaping provision and demand. These dynamics are explored in more detail in the Norwegian case, where the interactive processes have produced an ever-increasing demand for childcare. The demand side is crucial, particularly the role of mothers in generating momentum for policy change. Mothers' changing labour market patterns and their demand for childcare are important driving forces for policy change.

There is increasing evidence that characteristics of place influence health and that the dimensions of rurality interlock with the process of ageing to produce a number of distinctive patterns. For the rising number of older people living in rural England, it is clear that, overall, the countryside promotes the health and wellbeing of the newly retired, fitter cohort who have access to financial and community resources. However, it carries a number of risks for elders who are frail, deprived or isolated; inequalities combine to undermine health and deepen exclusion. The efficacy of policy in taking account of the needs of rural elders is uneven. Analysis of the three most pivotal policy arenas – rurality, ageing and health, and community development – suggests that while some initiatives do promote quality of life, significant limitations remain. Further, the overarching policy response is incoherent and fragmented. Key deficits relate to resource allocation, limited recognition of rural disadvantage, and minimal incorporation of the perspectives of rural elders. That the majority of policy is rurally blind is a fundamental challenge; for rural elders to benefit from policy investment, a systemic shift is required in the mechanisms that steer its development, funding and implementation.

A paradigm shift in pension policy decided by the German red–green coalition government will considerably affect the level and structure of pension benefits as well as the mix of public and private old-age security arrangements. The article starts with a brief outline of the pension schemes as they had been designed before the recent decisions, and with a few remarks on the reasons for current reform debates. The major measures of the 2001 Pension Reform are then described. The focus of the article is on the effects of the reform for (personal) income distribution and institutional design. A partial shift from (mandatory) public (pay-as-you-go financed) pensions to (voluntary) private (capital-funded) pensions and from defined benefit towards defined contribution will, among other things, reduce the benefit level in the social pension insurance. A large number of contributors – even after many years of paying contributions – will only receive benefits below the social assistance level. It can be expected that this development will transform the present earnings-related statutory pension scheme – which has a strong contribution–benefit link and is aimed at income smoothing over the lifecycle – into a basic, highly redistributive pension scheme, aimed mainly at avoiding poverty. Income inequality in old age is expected to increase as a result of the new strategy in pension policy.

In transition societies such as contemporary Bulgaria, the legacy of the communist past in childcare policy is reflected in the state-centred mentality of officials, the tendency towards over-regulation and the complex and inefficient relations among multiple state actors. The traditional approach to children as objects of protection rather than as subjects of rights still prevails. Efforts to modernise legislation and to introduce innovative childcare schemes lack provision of implementation mechanisms. Such efforts are often driven more by the government's need to show progress to international and EU agencies than by commitment to a rights-based approach in childcare. Bulgarian and international NGOs gradually assume a more decisive role in childcare. Reform is needed in institutional care, legislation, administrative structures of childcare, training of professionals and the mentality of care providers, politicians, bureaucrats and the wider public. However, reforms depend on genuine political will to change and implement policies, allocation of funds and change in attitudes.