Although the primary initiative in nineteenth-century Ethio-European relations came from Europe, the Ethiopian princes recurrently showed an active desire to exploit the European presence. In the first half of the century, the most active Ethiopian diplomat was Dajjāch Webē of Semēn and Tegrē (fl. 1830s–1855). Webē is taken as representative of such princes as Rās Ali and Negus Sāhla Sellāsē, who from 1827 to 1862 repeatedly launched initiatives and refined their objectives. The latter arose primarily from the desire for immediate aggrandizement and expressed themselves most commonly in the search for advanced weapons; but wider issues and the control of military technology were not ignored. The dramatic career of Emperor Tēwodros has obscured the extent to which his predecessors foreshadowed his own foreign policy. A closer look suggests that his predecessors were just as active as Tēwodros, and lacked only his breadth of understanding.

Those who have studied the history of the Tijaniyya as a whole, are struck by the warlike character of the Umari branch which was so different from that of the other branches of the order in North West Africa and the Senegal. Hajj Umar's career as a religious warrior seems to have been shaped by two important influences: (1) the doctrines of the Tijaniyya, and (2) the ideas of Uthaman Danfodio and his son Muhammad Bello.

This article suggests a new explanation for the Karonga War of 1887–9. It argues that the advent of different groups of people into northern Malawi in the 1870s and 1880s drastically altered the delicate balance of power in the region. Initially it had been advantageous to the Ngonde to welcome the Swahili both commercially and as a means of deterring further attacks. The settlement of the Henga-Kamanga in the area greatly increased the security of Ungonde and the Nyakyusa ceased to be a serious threat. This fairly comfortable situation in Ungonde was completely disrupted by the arrival of the Europeans. In the first place the African Lakes Company befriended the Nyakyusa and then the Ngonde, forming a trading post at Karonga which was used by all peoples. The Nyakyusa and the Ngonde thereafter had a common interest and were no longer enemies. In consequence the Henga-Kamanga ceased to have an important role in Ungonde. Secondly, the African Lakes Company seemed to offer better trading prospects. This, plus the fact that the Ngoni were no longer threatening the Ngonde, marked the decline in power of the Swahili. The newly formed alliance between the Ngonde, the Nyakyusa and the Europeans posed a threat to the future of the Henga-Kamanga and the Swahili in Ungonde. All this finally led to the Karonga War.

On 24 December 1949, two thousand women marched on the prison at Grand Bassam in protest of the detention of militants of the Parti Démocratique de Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI). Considered the first mass demonstration by West African women against French colonial rule, the march on Grand Bassam was a watershed moment in the Ivoirian anticolonial movement. Though party officials have framed women's activism as a political ‘awakening’, women's militancy was in keeping with longstanding practices of public motherhood, whereby women's status as caregivers — both biological and symbolic — authorized their moral interventions in community life. Maternal authority enabled a variety of powerful political tactics, yet in an Ivoirian anticolonial context dominated by elite negotiations, it also circumscribed women's activism. This article examines the women's march on Grand Bassam as a case study for understanding the possibilities and limits of women's participation in the Ivoirian anticolonial movement.