1. The subject of pawnship, also known as debt-bondage, in the Gold Coast is scattered in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries' scholarly and travelogue accounts. Generally, these accounts identify pawnship as a consequence of problems and crises within the kinship system that forced kin groups to pawn their members as collaterals for debts. Such accounts also show the features of the institution, including procedures of pawning, child pawning, marriage and pawning, interests on loans, and insights into the periodic attempts by the British colonial government to abolish pawnship. Such accounts indicate the transitions in pawnship over time, specifically the shift from human pawning to the pawning of immovable assets. Overall, this genre stressed the benignity of the institution of pawnship. See Cruickshank, Brodie, Eighteen Years on the Gold Coast of Africa, Vol. I (1853; London, 1966), 318 and 322–29Google Scholar; Cruikshank, Brodie, Eighteen Years on the Gold Coast of Africa, Vol. II, (1853; London, 1966) 198–200 and 247–50Google Scholar; Hutchinson, Thomas J., Ten Years Wandering Among the Ethiopians (London, 1861), 10–14Google Scholar; Ellis, A.B., The Tshi-Speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast of West Africa (1887; Oosterhout N.B., 1966), 285 and 289–300Google Scholar; Harris, John, Dawn in Darkest Africa (1912; London, 1968), 45Google Scholar; Claridge, W. Walton, A History of the Gold Coast and Ashanti (1915; London, 1964), 177–86Google Scholar. For fuller accounts of pawnship or debt-bondage in Ghana, see, for example, Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O., “‘What Is and What Is Not the Law’: Imprisonment for Debt and the Institution of Pawnship in the Gold Coast, 1821–1899,” in Pawnship, Slavery and Colonialism in Africa, ed. Lovejoy, Paul E. and Falola, Toyin (Trenton, NJ, 2003), 427–47Google Scholar.

2. For the processes of abolition in the Gold Coast, see, for example, McSheffrey, Gerald M., “Slavery, Indentured Servitude, Legitimate Trade and the Impact of Abolition in the Gold Coast, 1874–1901,” Journal of African History 24 (1983): 349–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robertson, Claire C., “Post-Proclamation Slavery in Accra: A Female Affair,” in Women and Slavery in Africa, ed. Klein, Martin and Robertson, Claire C. (Madison, WI, 1983), 220–45Google Scholar; Dumett, Raymond and Johnson, Marion, “Britain and the Suppression of Slavery in the Gold Coast Colony, Ashanti and the Northern Territories,” in The End of Slavery in Africa, ed. Miers, Suzanne and Roberts, Richard (Madison, WI, 1988), 71–116Google Scholar; Haenger, Peter, Slaves and Slave Holders on the Gold Coast (Basel, 1997)Google Scholar; Getz, Trevor R., Slavery and Reform in West Africa: Toward Emancipation in Nineteenth-Century Senegal and the Gold Coast (Athens, OH, 2004)Google Scholar; Perbi, Akosua, A History of Indigenous Slavery from the 15th to the 19th Centuries (Accra, 2004)Google Scholar; Austin, Gareth, Labour, Land, and Capital in Ghana: From Slavery to Free Labor in Asante (Rochester, NY, 2005)Google Scholar; Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O., “The Administration of the Abolition Laws, African Responses, and Post-Proclamation Slavery in Colonial Southern Ghana, 1874–1940,” Slavery and Abolition 19 (1998): 149–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O., “Slavery and Abolition in the Gold Coast: Colonial Modes of Emancipation and African Initiatives,” Ghana Studies 1 (1998): 11–34Google Scholar; Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O., “‘A Smattering of Education’ and Petitions as Sources: A Study of African Slave Holders' Response to Abolition in the Gold Coast,” History in Africa 27 (2000): 39–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kwabena O. Akurang-Parry, “‘With a Load on His Head and Nothing in His Hands’: The Opposition of the Gold Coast Press to the Compulsory Labor Ordinance, 1895-ca. 1899,” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, New Series, 4 & 5 (2000–2001), 83–104; Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O., “‘We Cast About for a Remedy’: The Opposition of the Gold Coast Press to the Chinese Mine Labor Experiment in the Gold Coast, ca. 1874–1914,” The International Journal of African Historical Studies 34:2 (2001): 365–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O., “Rethinking the ‘Slaves of Salaga’: Post-Proclamation Slavery in the Gold Coast (Colonial Southern Ghana), 1874–1899,” Left History 8:1 (2002): 33–60Google Scholar; Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O., “To Wassa Fiase for Gold: Rethinking Colonial Rule, El Dorado, Antislavery and Chieftaincy in the Gold Coast (Ghana), 1874–1895,” History in Africa 30 (2003): 11–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O., “Aspects of Women's Agency and Activism in the Gold Coast (Colonial Ghana), 1874–1899,” The International Journal of African Historical Studies 37:3 (2004): 463–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O., “‘We Shall Rejoice to See the Day When Slavery Shall Cease to Exist’: The Gold Coast Times and African Abolitionists in the Gold Coast,” History in Africa 31 (2004): 19–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O., “Making a Difference in Colonial Interventionism in Gold Mining in Wassa Fiase, Gold Coast (Ghana): The Social & Political Activism of Two Women, 1874–1893,” in Mining Women: Gender in the Development of a Global Industry, 1670–2005, ed. Gier, Jaclyn J. and Mercier, Laurie (New York, 2006), 40–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3. See, for example, Miers and Roberts, The End of Slavery in Africa; Manning, Patrick, Slavery and African Life (Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar; Lovejoy, Paul and Hogendorn, Jan S, Slow Death for Slavery (Cambridge, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Klein, Martin, Slavery and Colonial Rule in French West Africa (Cambridge, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Miers, Suzanne and Klein, Martin, Slavery and Colonial Rule in Africa (London, 1999)Google Scholar.

4. Akurang-Parry, Kwabena O., “‘The Loads are Heavier than Usual’: Forced Labor by Women and Children in the Central Province of the Gold Coast (Colonial Ghana), 1900–1940,” African Economic History 30:1 (2001): 43–44Google Scholar.

5. The vigorous activities of the Ghanaian women's movements have included the introduction of women's studies, media coverage of issues of gender inequality and violence against women, and putting pressure on the Ghanaian government to bring about gender equality. Other issues that have garnered popular criticism include spousal abuse, rape, ritual murders of women, and widow rites and inheritance. These and other forces of the global communication revolution have empowered Ghanaian women. The Ghanaian women's movements include the National Council of Women and Development (NCWD) and the 31st December Women's Movement as well as several NGOS. See, for example, Oppong, Christine, Domestic Rights and Duties in Southern Ghana. Legon Family Research Paper No. 1 (Accra, 1974)Google Scholar; Robertson, Claire C., Sharing the Same Bowl: A Socioeconomic History of Women and Class in Accra, Ghana (Bloomington, 1984)Google Scholar; Dolphyne, Florence Abena, The Emancipation of Women: An African Perspective (Accra, 1991)Google Scholar; Prah, Mansah, Women's Studies with a Focus on Ghana: Selected Readings (Schriesheim, 1995)Google Scholar; Oduyoye, Mercy Amba, Daughters of Anowa: African Women & Patriarchy (Maryknoll, 1995)Google Scholar; and Apt, Nana Araba et al., Maintaining the Momentum of Beijing: The Contribution of African Gender NGOs (Aldershot, 1998)Google Scholar.

6. See, for example, “ILO Urges Commitment to Child Labor Issues,” Ghana News Agency, posted on www.ghanaweb.com, General News of Wednesday, May 25, 2005; “10,000 ‘Kayayei’ in Accra,” Accra Daily Mail, posted on www.ghanaweb.com, General News of Monday, April 4, 2005; “1.5 Million Children Engaged in Child Labor,” Ghana News Agency, posted on www.ghanaweb.com, General News of Tuesday, September 28, 2004; “Ghana Faced With Rising Numbers of Street Kids,” Public Agenda (Accra), posted on www.ghanaweb.com, General News of Monday, October 9, 2006; and “Media Urged to Sensitize People on Child Trafficking,” Ghana News Agency, posted on www.ghanaweb.com, General News of Friday, September 22, 2006.

7. Jacquemin, Melanie, “Can the Language of Rights Get Hold of the Complex Realities of Child Domestic Work? The Case of Young Domestic Workers in Abidjan, Ivory Coast,” Childhood 13:3 (2006): 391–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Howell, Jayne, “Of Servanthood and Self-Employment: Changing Patterns of Domestic Service in Southern Mexico,” Urban Anthropology 31:3, 4 (2002): 389–416Google Scholar.

8. It should be stressed that there were and are male domestic servants, but on a comparatively smaller scale. Such male domestic servants run errands, perform farming and gardening tasks, fetch water, and wash cars, etc. In fact, in a way the male servant's tasks were gender specific, putting them above female servants. Male servants are more likely to desert than abaawas, and once male servants come of age they are more likely to be let go than their female counterparts.

9. See, for example, Jacquemin, “Child Domestic Work,” 390–95.

10. Stella Dzidzienyo, “A Case Study of Domestic Helpers in Ghanaian Homes,” (Institute of African Studies Library, University of Ghana, Legon, N.D.), 583–99. It should be stressed that efforts to trace the full citation of this paper were not successful; however, it is available at the Institute of African Studies Library, University of Ghana, Legon, Ghana. I wish to thank my late colleague, Dr. J.N.K. Brukum of the Department of History, University of Ghana, Legon, for assistance in the efforts to trace the full citation of the manuscript. For brief accounts of female domestics in other parts of Africa, see Coquery-Vidrovitch, Catherine, African Women: A Modern History (Boulder, CO, 1994), 109–16Google Scholar; and Berger, Iris, “Dependency and Domesticity: Women's Wage Labor 1900–1920,” in Threads of Solidarity: Women in South African Industry, 1900–1980, Iris Berger (Bloomington, 1992), 16–45Google Scholar.

11. See, for example, Hansen, Karen Tranberg, African Encounters with Domesticity (New Brunswick, NJ, 1992)Google Scholar; Howell, , “Of Servanthood: 389–419; Robert Lee, “Domestic Service and Female Domestic Servants: A Port-City Comparison of Bremen and Liverpool, 1850–1914,” History of the Family 10 (2005): 435–60Google Scholar; Jacquemin, “Child Domestic Work,” 389–406; Hegstrom, Jane L., “Reminiscences of Below Stairs: English Female Domestic Servants Between the Two World Wars,” Women's Studies 36:1 (2007): 15–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12. Bartle, P.F.W., “Inequality and Cyclical Migration: Changing Patterns of Traditional Society,” Ghana Journal of Sociology 12:1 (1978/1979): 32Google Scholar; Van Hear, Nick, “Child Labour and the Development of Capitalist Agriculture in Ghana,” Development and Change 13 (1982): 504–6Google Scholar; Busia, K.A., A Social Survey of Sekondi-Takoradi (London, 1950): 36–7Google Scholar; Acquah, Ione, Accra Survey (Accra, 1972), 74–76Google Scholar; and Schildkrout, Enid, People of the Zongo: The Transformation of Ethnic Identities in Ghana (Cambridge, 1978), 149–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13. See, for example, Howell, “Of Servanthood,” 390–96.

14. Bartle, “Inequality and Cyclical Migration,” 31–33; Van Hear, “Child Labor,” 504–6.

15. Coquery-Vidrovitch, African Women, 109–116.

16. Bartle, “Inequality and Cyclical Migration,” 32. See also Van Hear, “Child Labor,” 504–6.

17. Haenger, Slaves and Slave Holders on the Gold Coast, 165.

18. Dzidzienyo, “A Case Study of Domestic Helpers,” 583.

19. The Independent (Accra), July 21, 1999.

20. Ibid.

21. “1.5 Million Children Engaged in Child Labor,” Ghana News Agency, posted on www.ghanaweb.com, General News of Tuesday, September 28, 2004.

22. This is forcefully articulated by Dumett and Johnson, “Britain and the Suppression of Slavery,” 94–5 and 106. See also Grier, Beverly, “Pawns, Porters, and Petty Traders: Women in the Transition to Cash Crop Agriculture in Colonial Ghana,” in Pawnship in Africa: Debt Bondage in Historical Perspective, ed. Falola, Toyin and Lovejoy, Paul E. (Boulder, CO, 1994), 178–82Google Scholar; and Austin, Gareth, “Human Pawning in Asante, 1800–1950: Markets and Coercion, Gender and Cocoa,” in Pawnship in Africa, ed. Falola, Toyin and Lovejoy, Paul E. (Boulder, CO, 1993), 119–59Google Scholar.

23. Forced Labor, NAGA, ADM 11/1/1058, Case No. 22/1930; Employment of Women in Compulsory Labor, National Archives of Ghana (hereafter NAGA), ADM 11/1/967, Case No. 11/[19]27; and League of Nations, Slavery: Report of the Advisory Committee of Experts, Slavery, 1935. VI. B. 1, 28.

24. Children of non-European Origin Questionnaire, Case No. 14/1930, NAGA, ADM 11/1052.

25. Oheneba Kwasi Akurang, Mamfe-Akuapem, March 13, 1994. The interviews, originally conducted in Akuapem Twi are in the author's personal archival holdings.

26. Robertson, “Post-Proclamation Slavery in Accra,” 220–45; Grier, “Pawns”; and Austin, “Human Pawning in Asante.”

27. See, for example, Grier, “Pawns” and Akurang-Parry, “‘What Is and What Is Not the Law.’”

28. Report of the Commission on the Marketing of West African Cocoa (London, 1938), 24.

29. Ibid.

30. Akurang-Parry, “‘With a Load on His Head and Nothing in His Hands’”; “‘The Loads Are Heavier Than Usual’”; and “Colonial Forced Labor Policies for Road-Building in Southern Ghana and International Anti-Forced Labor Pressures, 1900–1940,” African Economic History 28 (2000): 7–9.

31. See an insightful pamphlet by Professor M.A. Kwamena-Poh, entitled, “The Basel Mission Period 1828–1918: The Planting of the Presbyterian Church in Mamfe Akuapem, 1858–1993” in Presbyterian Church of Ghana: Dedication of the Emmanuel Presbyterian Chapel, Mamfe, On Sunday May 9, 1993, 11–22. This piece reveals several Akuapems who by the 1880s were working as teachers, pastors, catechists, traders, and farmers. Although this piece was written as a part of the dedication of the Emmanuel Presbyterian Church, the various names mentioned in the piece point to the rich possibilities of historical reconstruction of the intelligentsia in Akuapem. I thank my sister, Gladys Akurang-Parry of Adenta-Accra, Ghana, for drawing my attention to this pamphlet. See also Akurang-Parry, “A Smattering of Education,” 49–50. Historians of the Gold Coast have overemphasized the littoral African intelligentsia, the so-called Euro-African elite. This underlines the exclusivist, Eurocentric, and Euro-African genealogical emphasis that denies Africans without European or diasporic roots membership of that group. Indeed, the efflorescence of Christianity in interior states of Akuapem, Akyem, and Krobo from the mid-1850s had provided a formidable African intelligentsia. The interior intelligentsia formed a unique ethnocultural group that interacted with the littoral intelligentsia. Both groups, especially the interior intelligentsia, assiduously grafted their dominant Africanity on the ethos of Euro-Christian culture.

32. See, for example, Seth Amoako Owusu, “Political Institutions of the Coastal Areas of the Gold Coast as Influenced by the European Contact,” (M.A. thesis, University of Chicago, 1954), 76–77; Kimble, David, A Political History of Ghana 1850–1928 (Oxford, 1963), 61–167Google Scholar; Foster, Philip, Education and Social Change in Ghana (Chicago, 1968), 86–116Google Scholar; Boahen, A. Adu, Ghana: Evolution and Change in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (London, 1975), 102–7Google Scholar; Mends, E.H., “Inequality as a Problem of Sociological Analysis in Contemporary Ghanaian Society,” Ghana Journal of Sociology 12:1 (1978/1979), 12–18Google Scholar; Graham, C.K., The History of Education in Ghana (London, 1971), 120–68Google Scholar; McPhee, Allan, The Economic Revolution in British West Africa (1926; London, 1971), 263–71Google Scholar; and Nukunya, G.K., Tradition and Change in Ghana (Accra, 1992) 188–89Google Scholar.

33. See, for example, Akurang-Parry, “Colonial Forced Labor Policies,” 1–25.

34. See, for example, Mcphee, Economic Revolution, 263–64.

35. See, for example, Kimble, A Political History, 78, 87, and 109–24; and Foster, Education and Social Change, 112–32, discusses roadblocks to educational expansion, including ethnicity; Graham, History of Education, 150–60; Kay, G.B., The Political Economy of Colonialism in Ghana: A Collection of Documents and Statistics (Cambridge, 1972), 281–83Google Scholar; and Ajayi, J.F. Ade et al., The African Experience in Higher Education (Accra, 1996), 30–31Google Scholar.

36. See, for example, Amoako, “Political Institutions,” 73–74; Smith, Noel, The Presbyterian Church of Ghana, 1835–1960 (Accra, 1966), 114–17Google Scholar; Affrifah, Kofi, “The Impact of Christianity on Akyem Society, 1852–1887,” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana 16 (1975): 70–3Google Scholar; Robert Addo-Fening, “Akyem Abuakwa 1874–1943: A Study of the Impact of Missionary Activities and Colonial Rule on Traditional State,” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Ghana, 1980), 233–6 and 260–3; and Akosua A. Perbi, “A History of Indigenous Slavery in Ghana from the 15th to the 19th Centuries” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Ghana, 1997), 267–8. This view punctuates Jenkins, Peter, Abstracts of Basel Mission Gold Coast Correspondence (Legon, 1970)Google Scholar, hereafter Jenkins, BMC. See, for example, Jenkins, BMC, Asante's Report on the Boarding School in Kibi, dd. January 5, 1877, No. 227.

37. Kofi Affrifah, “The Impact of Christianity on Akyem Society,” 70; see also 73.

38. See, for example, Amoako, “Political Institutions,” 73–74; Smith, Presbyterian Church, 114–17; Affrifah, “The Impact of Christianity on Akyem Society,” 70–73; Addo-Fening, “Akyem Abuakwa,” 233–6 and 260–3; and Perbi, “Indigenous Slavery,” 267–68.

39. Interview with Oheneba Kwasi Akurang, Mamfe-Akuapem, March 13, 1994; and interview with Nana Afua Oye, Suhum, June March 26, 1994. Official reports also delineate gender disparity in education. The Inspector of Education's Report of 1890 indicated that there were 4,039 boys enrolled with the average attendance at 2,929, while 1,037 girls were registered with the average attendance at 712. In 1906, the Accra Grammar School had 237 boys and 48 girls, and in 1928–1929, the Prince of Wales College, now Achimota College, enrolled 351 boys and fifty-five girls. In July 1927, the numbers of trained teachers stood at 972 men and thirty-seven women, while the numbers of uncertified teachers were 1,084 men and 104 women. See Hillard, F.H., A Short History of Education in British West Africa (London, 1957), 72 and 83Google Scholar; and Kimble, A Political History, 72, 85–86, and 117.

40. The barriers to female education in the colonial period have not been adequately discussed. Even the best account on female education, Graham, History of Education, 131–38, does not explore the subject. For a discussion of social mobility of males in Africa, see Manning, Patrick, Slavery and African Life (Cambridge, 1990), 163Google Scholar.

41. See, for example, Children of non-European Origin Questionnaire 9, Case No. 14/1930, NAGA, ADM 11/1052.

42. Kwabena O. Akurang-Parry, “I Often Shed My Tears About This: Freed Slave Children and Apprenticeship Policy in the Gold Coast (Colonial Ghana) ca. 1890–1930,” unpublished paper.

43. Griffith to Knutsford, January 26, 1890, No. 7 in Correspondence Respecting the Administration of the Laws Against Slavery in the Gold Coast Colony, Parliamentary Papers, 1891 (hereafter C. 6354).

44. See Correspondence Respecting the Slave Trade, Parliamentary Papers, 1889, C. 6010, (hereafter 6010); Correspondence Respecting the Slave Trade, Parliamentary Papers, 1890, C. 6053, (hereafter 6053); Correspondence Respecting the Slave Trade, Parliamentary Papers, 1890, C. 6199, (hereafter 6199); and C. 6354.

45. C. 6354, The APS to Colonial Office, March 20, 1891, No. 8.

46. See, for example, C. 6354, The APS to the Colonial Office, August 20, 1890, No. 1; C. 6354, Griffith to Knutsford, January 26, 1891, No. 7; and No. S.P.11/09, June 21, 1909, in Slave Children, National Archives of Ghana, Cape Coast (hereafter Slave Children NAGCC).

47. See, for example, Despatches from the Governor to the Secretary of State, 1879–80, February 7, 1880, No. 57, NAGA, ADM ½ 23; C. 6354, Griffith to Knutsfrod, January 26, 1890, No. 7; C. 6053, Holmes to Hughes, July 27, 1889, Encl. 26 in No. 59; C. 6053, Cole to Hughes, September 17, 1890, Encl. 8 in No. 59; and Case No. 104, November 3, 1875, NAGA, SCT 17/4/2.

48. See Slave Children, NAGCC.

49. See, for example, No. S.P.11/09, June 21, 1909, in Slave Children, NAGCC ADM 21/1/126.

50. Morice, Alain, “Underpaid Child Labor and Social Reproduction: Apprenticeship in Kaolack, Senegal,” Development and Change 13 (1982): 518CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This study was carried out among metal workers in Kaolack, a large town in Senegal in 1981–1982. Notwithstanding the date, its theoretical underpinnings are relevant to the study of abaawa.

51. Akurang-Parry, “‘I Often Shed My Tears About This.’”

52. See, for example, the emancipation ordinance in C. 1139, Encl. 3 in No. 21. December 9, 1874; and C. 6351, The APS to Colonial Office, March 20, 1891, No. 8.

53. For this argument, see Coquery-Vidrovitch, African Women, 113–16.

54. See, for example, Johnson, Marion, “The Slaves of Salaga,” Journal of African History 27 (1986): 349–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Akurang-Parry, “Rethinking the ‘Slaves of Salaga.’”

55. Akurang-Parry, “Rethinking the ‘Slaves of Salaga.’”

56. “Child Trafficking Booms in Kumasi,” Daily Graphic, July 16, 2002.

57. See, for example, “Afrikids Organize Workshop to Curb Streetism,” Ghana News Agency, posted on www.ghanaweb.com, Regional News of Monday, December 18, 2006; and “Don't Use Underage Househelps–Participants,” Ghana News Agency, posted on www.ghanaweb.com, Regional News of Thursday, December 14, 2006.

58. “Child Trafficking Booms in Kumasi,” Daily Graphic, July 16, 2002.

59. See, for example, Godfrey T.Z. Chada, “Labor Protest, Group Consciousness and Trade Unionism in West Africa: The Radical Railway Workers of Colonial Ghana” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto, 1981), 39–77.

60. See, for example, Gold Coast Gazette, No. 15, March 1, 1924; Case No. 397/24, NAGCC, ADM 23/1/676; and No. 2/1/25, March 2, 1925, Case No. C.P. 397, NAGCC, ADM 23/1/676.

61. For other examples of ethnicization of labor in Africa, see Coquery-Vidrovitch, African Women, 113.

62. Chada, “Labor Protest,” 63–72.

63. Interview with Oheneba Kwasi Akurang, Mamfe-Akuapem, March 13, 1994; and interview with Yao Vi, Dokorokyewa, March 16, 1994.

64. Grier, “Pawns, Porters, and Petty Traders”; Akurang-Parry, “Colonial Forced Labor Policies”; and Akurang-Parry, “The Loads Are Heavier Than Usual.”

65. S.N.A. no. 325, dd. August 29, 1930, in Forced Labor, NAGA, ADM 11/1/1058, Case No. 22/1930. See also the Report of the Provincial Commissioner of the Central Province, filed as SNA No. 325, dd. August 29, 1930, in Forced Labor, Case No. 22/1930, NAGA, ADM 11/1/1058.

66. Grier, “Pawns”; and Akurang-Parry, “The Loads Are Heavier Than Usual.”

67. Interview with Oheneba Kwasi Akurang, Mamfe-Akuapem, March 13, 1994; and interview with Yao Vi, Dokorokyewa, March 16, 1994.

68. Ibid.

69. Ibid.

70. See, for example, Smith, Presbyterian Church, 114–17; Affrifah, “The Impact of Christianity on Akyem Society,” 70–73; Addo-Fening, “Akyem Abuakwa,” 233–36 and 260–63; and Perbi, “Indigenous Slavery,” 267–68.

71. Interview with Oheneba Kwasi Akurang, Mamfe-Akuapem, March 13, 1994; and interview with Yao Vi, Dokorokyewa, March 16, 1994.

72. Interview with Oheneba Kwasi Akurang, Mamfe-Akuapem, March 13, 1994. Additional research will have to be done to make this conclusion definitive.

73. Several reports in the Ghanaian newspapers confirm this. See, for example, “Child Trafficking Booms in Kumase,” Daily Graphic, July 16, 2002.

74. Dzidzienyo, “A Case Study of Domestic Helpers,” 587.

75. See Akurang-Parry, “Rethinking the ‘Slaves of Salaga.’”

76. Dzidzienyo, “A Case Study of Domestic Helpers,” 583.

77. The Independent, July 21, 1999.

78. Grier, “Pawns,” 174–75; and Akurang-Parry, “‘The Loads Are Heavier Than Usual.’”

79. Akurang-Parry, “‘The Loads Are Heavier Than Usual.’”

80. Kimble, A Political History.

81. Akurang-Parry, “‘The Loads Are Heavier Than Usual.’”

82. Interview with Nana Afua Oye, Suhum, March 26, 1994; interview with Akosua Anima, Koforidua, June 10, 1997; and interview with Nana Afua Oye, Suhum, June 17, 1997.

83. See, for example, The Independent, July 21, 1999.

84. See, for example, Peperah, Henry Owusu, “Child Labor, Trafficking Impediments to Poverty Alleviation,” The Ghanaian Chronicle, July 18, 2002Google Scholar; and “Child Trafficking Booms in Kumasi, Daily Graphic, July 16, 2002.

85. Acquah, Accra Survey, 75.

86. Interview with Oheneba Kwasi Akurang, Mamfe-Akuapem, March 13, 1994.

87. The Independent, July 21, 1999.

88. Van Hear, “Child Labor”, 504–6; and Reynolds, “Slave Trade,” 580.

89. Busia, Social Survey of Sekondi-Takoradi, 36–37.

90. The Independent, July 21, 1999.

91. Acquah, Accra Survey, 75; Busia, Social Survey of Sekondi-Takoradi, 37; and Van Hear, “Child Labor”, 505–6.

92. Interview with Nana Afua Oye, Suhum, March 26, 1994; and interview with Akosua Anima, Koforidua, June 10, 1997.

93. “LAWA–Ghana Builds Consensus on Draft Regulation for Domestic Workers,” Ghana News Agency, posted on Ghanaweb.com, General News of Thursday, September 29, 2005. LAWA constitutes the Ghanaian alumni of female lawyers, who took part in a Master's of Law (LL.M.) degree program at Georgetown University, sponsored by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) exchange program from 1992–1998.