The interrelationship between Halakhah (Jewish law) and Aggadah (Jewish Legend) evokes potent insights, relevant to most disciplines that investigate law as a cultural practice, especially in the present-day Law and Literature field. This contention will be elaborated by proposing the two phased paradigm of literature alongside law. According to this paradigm, after considering the limits and sometimes failures of law, the next step is the attempt to deal with those effectively and to keep striving towards truth and justice within difficult realities. The Halakhah and Aggadah combination reflects the literature alongside law paradigm by creating a dynamic model of interpretation that is derived from a canon that is “both sealed and open”, and from the extensive use of narrative. Thus the Halakhah and Aggadah juxtaposition creates an authentic balance that while being aware to the weakness of law, continuously re-establishes it as a vital effort, characterized by failures and disappointments, but also by vision and achievements.

Canada celebrated its 150th anniversary since Confederation in 2017. At the same time, Canada is also entering an era of reconciliation that emphasizes mutually respectful and just relationships between Indigenous Peoples and the Crown. British Columbia (BC) is uniquely situated socially, politically, and economically as compared to other Canadian provinces, with few historic treaties signed. As a result, provincial, federal, and Indigenous governments are attempting to define ‘new relationships’ through modern treaties. What new relationships look like under treaties remains unclear though. Drawing from a comprehensive case study, we explore Huu-ay-aht First Nations—a signatory of the Maa-nulth Treaty, implemented in 2011—BC and Canada’s new relationship by analysing 26 interviews with treaty negotiators and Indigenous leaders. A disconnect between obligations outlined in the treaty and how Indigenous signatories experience changing relations is revealed, pointing to an asymmetrical dynamic remaining in the first years of implementation despite new relationships of modern treaty.

Le langage du droit crée le sujet transgenre en tissant une conception légale du sexe ou genre, une conception qui a longtemps exclut les personnes trans. L’autaire propose d’analyser le langage du genre en droit québécois pour en faire ressortir deux phases conceptuelles. À travers ces deux modèles – l’un médical et l’un minoritaire – le droit québécois relate l’existence des personnes trans en premier lieu comme un moment essentiellement transitoire et liminal entre deux états d’être binaires, alors que le modèle minoritaire y voit plutôt une réalité d’exception, se définissant par son opposition au cadre social majoritaire. Ces deux visions s’enchaînent historiquement et révèlent l’évolution récente de la conception négative des personnes trans comme minorité qui ressort des avancées législatives récentes en droit québécois. L’autaire conclut que, malgré les avancées, il reste plus à faire pour réellement inclure les personnes trans comme sujets habituels de droit.

This article addresses the teaching of legal research methods and doctrinal analysis within a legal studies program. I argue that learning about legal research and doctrinal analysis is an important element of legal education outside professional law schools. I start by considering the ongoing debate concerning the role of legal education both inside and outside professional law schools. I then describe the way in which the research methods courses offered by the Department of Law and Legal Studies at Carleton University attempt to reconcile the tension between “law” and legal studies. In particular, I focus on how the second-year research methods course introduces students to “traditional” legal research and doctrinal analysis within a legal studies context by deploying a number of pedagogical strategies. In so doing, the course provides students with an important foundation that allows them to embrace the multiple roles of legal education outside professional law schools.

While numerous contemporary studies, in both social psychology and sociology of the law, have addressed legal socialization and legal consciousness on the part of individuals, little work has been done on the complex social construction of the need and demand for legal services. This is by no means a rhetorical question; it involves a number of competing definitions of the relationship between the legal profession and the public, and thus justifies the legal services currently offered. The author shows that policies relating to access to the law and the justice system in France today seek to focus on the user, which means that users must be able to characterize their situation in legal terms and apply to the courts. The process of raising individuals' consciousness of the law is examined against the backdrop of increasing liberalization of social policies.

Miranda v. Arizona, holding confessions obtained during police interrogation inadmissable unless preceded by a full and specific disclosure of a suspect's rights, is perhaps the best known U.S. Supreme Court decision on due process. The decision was built on the twin pillars of human dignity and free will. The Court determined that the intent of the Fifth Amendment is to protect human dignity, and argued that dignity is jeopardized by state actions whose effect is to diminish free will. Consequently, the Court extended the restrictions on police investigators it had been developing since Bram v. United States. In that decision, the Court ruled that confessions could not “be extracted by any sort of threats or violence, nor obtained by any direct or implied promises, however slight, nor by the exertion of any improper influence.” In Miranda, the Court attached the widest possible meaning to “improper influence,” ruling that interrogation is, in itself, an influence against which suspects must be protected by procedural safeguards. It is instructive to reflect on these issues at a time when similar questions are being raised in Canadian courts under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

This article explores the legal and discursive impact of R. v. Vriend (1998), the Canadian Supreme Court's first unequivocal pro-gay rights ruling. While not questioning Vriend as a victory, it engages in a critical interrogation of the Court's reasoning. Deploying the deconstructive insights of queer theory, the article reveals the role of law in producing the rigidly demarcated category “gay/lesbian” and speculates on its enduring discursive legacy. Through a reliance on fixed sexual identity categories, the liberal legal framing of “sexual orientation” in Vriend works to reinforce normative heterosexuality and to privilege those claims that reflect the legal refraction of anti-homophobic struggles as pleas for minority rights. Arguing that the insights of queer theory/politics can and should be brought into a productive relationship with law, the article concludes with some thoughts on the project of “queering law.”

This paper presents an analysis of attitudes among independent business operators (getihu) in Shanghai toward basic tenets of legal reform in the People's Republic of China. Based on a survey questionnaire administered during the summer of 1993 with the assistance of the Law Institute of the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, this paper suggests that the getihu are generally receptive to official norms about equality, justice, and private law relations. Despite having doubts about the efficacy of these norms, the getihu seem motivated by factors of disenfranchisement to accept them as useful in their struggle to get ahead. This suggests that the linkage between legal reform and economic development in China is not automatic, but will depend on the particular conditions of legal and economic actors. This has implications generally for the importance of local conditions in causal links between forms of private law and economic development.

The Nunavut Land Claim Agreement commits federal and territorial governments to the recruitment and training of Inuit for positions throughout government. In the justice sector, there is currently a major shortage of Inuit lawyers or future judges. However, there also appears to be a fundamental mismatch between what existing law schools offer and what Inuit students are prepared to accept. A northern-based law school might remedy some of these problems. However, support for a law school requires un-thinking certain key tenets of legal education as we know it in Canada. In particular, it may require a step outside the university-based law school system. Universities appear to be accepted as the exclusive guardian of the concept of academic standards. Admission standards, in particular, serve as both a positivist technology of exclusion, and a political rationale for the persistence of majoritarian institutions as the major means of training members of disadvantaged communities. Distinctive institutions – eventually working with university-based law schools – have the potential to help bridge the education gap between Inuit and other Canadians. In so doing, they have the potential to train a critical mass of Inuit to meaningfully adapt the justice system to become a pillar of the public government in the Inuit homeland of Nunavut.

Occasionally, courts assume the role of historians and narrate stories of historic significance. The courts are fully aware of their “historical” role when they are called to make decisions about historical facts in a dispute that happens to be relevant to their decision. In contrast, this article centers on the unwitting writing of history by the courts when they describe past events as uncontested historical facts, usually through the doctrine of “judicial notice,” ignoring the fact that their story is not necessarily uncontested. As a test-case, the article focuses on decisions given by the Supreme Court of Israel, especially in the formative period of the State. The article argues that the historical narratives of judges, who are usually part of the mainstream in their societies, represent the nation's accepted version of its collective memory. It then tries to shed light on the importance of this narrative in the context of the court's institutional legitimacy.

This article offers a transnational perspective on Canada’s legislative response to globally expanded national security intelligence activities in the War on Terror since 2001. I situate Canada’s new legislation against the backdrop of US and Japanese legislative responses and analyze the transition, including Bill C-13 (2014), Bill C-44 (2015), Bill C-51 (2015), and Bill C-59 (2019). I argue that the thrust of this legislative trend has been the active legalization of previously illegal surveillance activities by security intelligence agencies, rather than passive ineffectiveness in restricting state mass surveillance enabled by information and communication technologies. The transition is in synch with a global legislative trend that lowers the legal standards of privacy and personal data protection and weakens checks and balances in democratic governance. As a result, mass surveillance has increasingly undermined and regulated the rule of law, not vice versa.

Over time, the Canadian state has used a variety of mechanisms to address its troubled relationship with its indigenous population, the most prominent of which so far was the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP). RCAP was mandated to develop both a constitutional framework and a comprehensive social-welfare policy. Staffed predominantly with constitutional lawyers, it articulated a sophisticated constitutional theory, which was not implemented, and did little to ameliorate the living conditions of Aboriginal people. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian Residential Schools (TRC), while arising from the settlement of a national class action, can be seen as a successor commission to RCAP. It follows in the procedural footprints of RCAP in a number of ways, including in the profile of its key appointments. This article argues that looking back at the successes and failures of RCAP can be instructive for the TRC as it carries out its mandate, allowing us to predict some areas that will be particularly challenging. In these areas, the TRC will require a departure from the RCAP blueprint if it is to achieve the ambitious goals of a TRC in a non-transitional-justice context.

This study examines the ways in which unofficial cooperative practices hamper the effectiveness of official cooperative legislation as an expression of informal norms within mining cooperatives in South Kivu, in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The study is based on interviews and the observation of the practices of small-scale miners when setting up and running their mining cooperatives. The study of the normative organisation of mining cooperatives can contribute to reflection on a participative reform of public policies in order to improve governance in the mining sector in the DRC.

Since the 1960s, public consultation has emerged as an important democratic tool, allowing governments to inform, debate, and learn from the general public. Since the 1980s, international trade agreements have wielded significant influence over domestic law making, as an ever more ‘comprehensive’ set of topics is regulated via treaty. In Canada, these two trends have yet to meet. Neither the public nor Parliament is involved in trade policy making, raising concerns about the democratic legitimacy of expansive trade agreements. Through the lens of the recent Canada and European Union (EU) Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), this article examines whether trade law’s consultation practices can be aligned with those of other federal government departments. We identify five key values that make consultations successful—diversity, education, commitment, accountability, and transparency—and consider the viability of their inclusion in trade consultations.

On the basis of a review of research on prostitution and prostitution in law enforcement in Canada, Brannigan and Fleischman have argued that prostitution is as mainly adult occupation motivated by financial gain, not “pathological work undertaken by the emotionally damaged and the young.” In this paper, an alternative interpretation suggests, among other things, that: 1) although the majority of Canadian street prostitutes are adult, most of them began their careers as youths; 2) a much larger proportion of street prostitutes report childhood “sexual” and other “abuse” than do non-prostitutes; and 3) the “choice” to prostitute ought to be understood in terms of the social-structures which circumscribe that choice.

In 1976 Nils Christie gave a lecture at the University of Sheffield and suggested that conflicts in society performed certain positive functions. Conflicts are “property,” he argued, and belong to the people involved. The participants in conflict may wish to see them resolved in ways that satisfy them, but sometimes those conflicts are taken away and become the property of courts, judges, lawyers or social workers. Christie contends that conflicts make an important contribution to society, and that highly industrialized societies have too little rather than too much internal conflict. He feels that we must organize social systems so that conflicts are nurtured and made visible. In particular we must see to it that professionals do not monopolize the handling of conflicts. In our criminal justice systems, the victims of crime have in particular lost their rights to participate in conflict resolution.

In this paper we use Christie's concept of “stealing conflicts” as a tool for analysing the consequences of the increased use of lawyers in the juvenile justice system as a result of the Young Offenders Act. The Act purports to enhance juveniles' responsibility and accountability for their actions, but this end is undermined to the extent that lawyers steal the conflicts. Furthermore, we argue that this trend toward legalism, which characterizes North America today, is different from patterns in some European countries such as France.

This paper describes the 1912–13 case of R. v. St. Clair, which concerned a Congregationalist minister's attempt to regulate the goings-on in a notorious burlesque theatre in Toronto. A “clean stage” was a goal of the moral reform movement of the time, and the criminal justice system was one of the avenues reformers took to attempt to achieve it. However, obscenity and indecency in theatres posed unique challenges. Two of the most important reasons were that under the influence of artistic and philosophical trends in the modern world, obscenity and indecency were becoming unstable concepts, and the nature, purpose and possibilities of art were being contested. The St. Clair case shows Toronto's legal apparatus grappling with these concerns at a time when the authority to judge and to decide what others might and might not view was slipping away from the Protestant churches and toward secular parties, including the courts. Ultimately the case suggests why the difficulties with censorship of verbal and visual representations may be an intractable dimension of our artistic, philosophical and legal position even now.

This paper argues for a psychosocial theory of courtroom argumentation. Its central thesis is the deconstruction of the deceptive shifts of courtroom dynamics between the veneer of logical propriety and the emotional prescription buried below. Selected observations on the androcentric bias of the sciences, on linguistic convention as gendered historical ambition, and on alternatives to the dominant logical mode of reasoning and argumentation constitute Part I. Part II critically analyzes selected cases for courtroom alternatives. In an effort to reclaim non-linguistic discourse, Part III synthesizes the emotional mode of argumentation and reasoning with feminist spheres of relevance and reasonableness. The conclusion: that such a synthesis may combine with the rational to present a model for our legal system