In his various grammars in Melanesian Languages Codrington places the Melanesian demonstratives under “ Pronouns ”; as also does Ray in Melanesian Island Languages. To class them asdemonstrative pronouns is the nearest approximation to a correct statement of their nature and use. In general they answer to theEnglish “this”, “that”, “here”, “there”; but, as Codringtonsays, the Melanesian demonstratives are in use also as articles andadverbs, and are to be found embedded in the personal pronouns.

In in 1914 M.Bloch published an article upon the intervocalic consonants Tamil in Mémoires de la Société de IAnguistique de Paris. It was published in an English translation in the Indian Antiquary, vol. 48, p. 191. He came to the conclusion based upon a passage from Kumārila Bhatta that before the Christian era Tamil possessed voiced plosives in initial, medial, and, presumably, final position, but that during a period, say from 100 A.C. to 1200 A.c, they were unvoiced and it was only after that date that intervocalic consonants again became voiced. M. Bloch directs attention to the striking parallelism of Indo-Aryan and Dravidic languages in the treatment of consonants, especially intervocalic plosives.

His arguments have never been met even by the large school of Tamil-speaking scholars, which has never accepted them. Mr. Tuttle (Dravidian Developments, p. 9), in 1930, controverts Vinson's assumption that the sound-system of modern Tamil was in use when the anguage was first written and Dr. Sastri, in 1934 (History of Grammatical Theories in Tamil, p. 49), refutes CaldwelFs Law of the convertibility of Surds and Sonants, with the observation that Pope and Vinson state the same theory with a slight modification. Neither, surprisingly enough, refer to M. Bloch's article.

A Description of “World Orthography”, which is now the official manner of writing a number of languages of Africa, is to be found in the booklet Practical Orthography of African Languages published by the International Institute of African Languages and Cultures. The system is a phonetic one and is in most respects the same as the International Phonetic Alphabet, the chief exceptions being that j and y are used with their English values, vowel length is indicated by doubling the letter, and capital letters are provided for the use of those who consider them necessary. J. R. Firth has shown how World Orthography may be applied to Burmese and to several Indian languages, and it is the object of this article to show how it might be applied to Sinhalese.

When Theodor Nöldeke, working on a retrograde calculation from the well-known date of the beginning of the era of Yazdijerd (16th June, 632), made his table of Persian new year's days during the Sasanian period from A.D. 220 to 652 (Appendix B, p. 436, Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden), Dulaurier (L'histoire universelle par Etienne de Daron, 1883, p. 195) criticized it, saying that this depends on admitting the base as granted. In other words, the table would be correct only if we assumed that the Persian year was a vague one without intercalation, which fact, he asserted, is not proved.

The foundations of a house are useless in themselves; they exist merely to support the living rooms which we build for our enjoyment, comfort, and protection. Yet the superstructure cannot exist without the foundations, although the foundations can exist without a superstructure. Facts are the foundations of science: they are of no interest in themselves, but only as they serve to support theories in which we house our lives.

In the year 1906 a hoard of about 10,000 coins marked with the names of Nahapāna and Śatakarṇī was found in the village of Joghaltembhi, Nāsik district, Bombay Presidency, and was described by the Rev. H. R. Scott in the JBBRAS., vol. xxii, art. xvi,pp. 223 foll.

Nahapāna is the earliest kṣatrapa known in Western India. Inscriptions in Prakrit referring to him as the ruler have been found in the Nāsik and J.unnar caves. From them it appears that his jurisdiction extended over South Gujarāt and North Mahārāṣṭra.

IN Marathi the word Kolī has two meanings:— (1) The name of a caste or tribe or a member of it. (2) Spider. Dr. Bloch in the etymological vocabulary appended to his book, La formation de la langue marathe, appears to identify the two meanings through the medium of a third meaning “ weaver ” found in other Neo-Indian languages; and derives them all from the Skr. Kaula, Kaulika-. Dr. Turner, in his Gujarati Phonology, also considers Kaulika- to be the Skr. form of Kolī, śudra caste.

Dr. Bloch has given the fuller account of this word and it runs as follows. His abbreviations have been expanded and a printer's error corrected: Kolī masc. fisher, watercarrier (name of caste), kind of spider; Sindhi, Korī, weaver, spider; Gujarati, Koli, Hind., Kolī, name of caste; Hemacandra, Kolī tantuvāyo jālakārakrmiś ca (93, 5); Skr. Kaula-, Kaulika-. In connection with this account one or two observations may be made. The authority for the meaning of Kolī in Marathi is presumably Molesworth. He gives an additional meaning as follows: “ also a caste or individual of it, which inhabit woods and wilds living by robbery, by killing deer, etc. ”

In 1929 Professor Angela Codazzi published a careful edition, with an Italian translation, of a geographical compendium by Isḥāq ibn al-Ḥusayn entitled Kitāb ākām al-marjān fī dhikr al-madā'in al-mashhūra fī kull makān. According to Professor Nallino's suggestion the author may be identical with one of the sources mentioned by Idrīsī ( “IsḤāq ibn al-Ḥusayn al-munajjim” ) and by Ibn-Khaldūn ( “Isḥāq ibn al-Ḥasan (?) al-Khāzinī”).

IT is well known that Tamil in contradistinction to other Dravidian languages does not admit of the voiced stops g, j, d, b at the beginning of a word ; whereas in the middle of a word the unvoiced sounds are represented by the voiced, though the writing takes no notice of this distinction. Caldwell (3rd ed., p. 138), formulating this state of affairs as the“ Convertibility of Surds and Sonants ”, assumes it to have been characteristic of the primitive Dravidian tongue. In this most people have tended to follow him. More recently, however, contrary opinions have been expressed, notably by M. Jules Bloch.

The following is a contribution to the study of one general philosophical problem, that of unity, by pointing out—more doxographically than historically in the Western sense—what special viewpoints towards it are preferably taken by the Indian philosophers.

As I tried to prove in my Eigenart indischen Denkens and again in my Indian and Western Philosophy, a Study in Contrast, and as a student of mine emphasized in her thesis “The Concrete Expression of Abstract Ideas ”—-Indian philosophy as a whole takes its starting point from the Concrete, and even in its later apparently abstract deductions never loses sight of the Concrete (from Latin: con-crescere, the grown-together), as continually forced upon the Indian by the environing dynamic forces of a mainly tropical nature such as India's. The concept of unity, however, is a deduction or a postulate of human reasoning, never directly to be grasped from the Concrete, from the manifold phenomena of everyday life.

The Bamum language is spoken in theFrench mandated territory of the Cameroons around the town of Famboun by about 55,000 speakers.

The observations set out here are based upon a short but intensive period of investigation at the Paris Exhibition in 1937, when, through the kind offices of Professor Henri Labouret, I was able to work with a native craftsman (an embroiderer) from Famboun, Andre Njoya.

Una recente silloge di versioni da poeti ‘abbāsidi, corredata di introduzioni critiche e di aneddoti storico-letterarī, si apre con un ampio capitolo dedicate a Baśśār b. Burd. Dopo sommari cenni biografici, e un elenco delle varianti testuali fra le citazioni dell’ Aġānī e altre fonti (principalmente un ms. di Monaco), l'autore esamina in primo luogo il valore poetico di Baśśār, poi le sue idee politiche e inline quelle religiose, in relazione sopratutto all'accusa di zandaqah, illustrando il tutto con saggi di versioni dalle poesie superstiti.

DANS un long mémoire, qui est sous presse au moment où nous écrivons, le mot manas est défini en ces termes, a propos du Nāsadāsīyasūkta (RV., x, 129):

“Dans la littérature védique et postvédique, les termes specifiques pour designer la connaissance sont dhī, prajñā, jñāna et leurs dérivés,ainsi que plus tard buddhi ; manas est un terme plus large désignant la fonction psychique, qui dans la psychologie de l'epoque n'est pas encore différenciée en facultés particulières, et dont I'aspect prépondérant—ainsi qu'il résulte de l'analyse introspective constamment pratiquée dans les milieux où cette terminologie est progressivement élaborée—est celui du désir, de la tendance, de l'impulsion.

So far as our manuscripts are concerned, the first half of the ninth s century yields an almost complete blank. To judge by the absence of any dated text during forty-five years, the Tibetan rulers were not favourable either to orthodox Buddhism or to any form of literary activity. At any rate, a remarkable revival took place immediately after the revolution of Chang I-ch’ao, and the number of dated documents for the second half of the century is actually larger than for any previous period of the same length. It is true that the proportion of sutras and other Buddhist texts has now shrunk considerably. In their place we find miscellaneous documents of many kinds—letters and reports, circulars and account notes, calendars and didactic treatises, mostly in a fragmentary state. The most important feature, however, is the first appearance of printing, of which there are three specimens, dating from 868, 877, and 882 respectively. The first of these is the world-famous copy of the Diamond Sutra with its well-designed frontispiece, printed from blocks in so masterly a fashion as to make it evident that the art of printing must already have been practised in China for a considerable time.

This vocabulary has been collected from the words found in a small Prayer Book in the Longgu language, published by the Melanesian Mission Press in 1916. The book is of 79 pages, 8vo, and contains a translation of some of the services of the Book of Common Prayer, viz. Mattins and Evensong, the Litany, certain prayers, seven liturgical collects, twenty-four Psalms, the Church Catechism, and nineteen hymns.

THIS paper deals with two passages in the Chou Li. The first occurs in chapter 66 : [“The Chief Magistrate, ta ssŭ-k'ou] by means of the lucky stone cures tiresome people. When any of the myriad common folk is committing sins and transgressions, but has notactually committed a statutory offence, yet is doing harm to his district, his feet and hands are to be shackled and he is put to sit uponthe lucky stone. [Afterwards ?] he performs forced labour for theMinistry of Works. If the sin is a heavy one, he sits for 13 (? 12) daysand does forced labour for a year. In less flagrant cases he sits fornine days and does forced labour for nine months. Next, seven days’sitting, seven months’ labour ; five days’ sitting, five months’ labour ;three days’ sitting, three months’ labour.

The use of the “archaic” perfect tense with suffix -ile in old Swahili has been mentioned by many writers, particularly Taylor and stigand. This form of the perfect is well known in other languages, but in modern Swahili the form with prefix-me-has taken its place.