Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of tables and figures
- Acknowledgements
- one Introduction
- two Unequal citizenship? The new social divisions of public welfare
- three Lived experiences of poverty and prosperity in austerity Britain
- four The sociological imagination of rich and poor citizens
- five Heterodox citizens? Conceptions of social rights and responsibilities
- six Identity, difference and citizenship: a fraying tapestry?
- seven Deliberating the structural determinants of poverty and inequality
- eight Conclusion
- Appendix: Details of the qualitative fieldwork
- References
- Index
seven - Deliberating the structural determinants of poverty and inequality
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 08 April 2022
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of tables and figures
- Acknowledgements
- one Introduction
- two Unequal citizenship? The new social divisions of public welfare
- three Lived experiences of poverty and prosperity in austerity Britain
- four The sociological imagination of rich and poor citizens
- five Heterodox citizens? Conceptions of social rights and responsibilities
- six Identity, difference and citizenship: a fraying tapestry?
- seven Deliberating the structural determinants of poverty and inequality
- eight Conclusion
- Appendix: Details of the qualitative fieldwork
- References
- Index
Summary
However unwillingly a person who has a strong opinion may admit the possibility that his opinion may be false, he ought to be moved by the consideration that however true it may be, if it is not fully, frequently, and fearlessly discussed, it will be held as a dead dogma, not a living truth. (John Stuart Mill, 1869: chapter 2, paragraph 21)
Introduction
Structured inequalities give rise to divergent experiences and conceptions of social citizenship. In a number of important of ways, the rich really do differ from the poor. Of course, diversity in public opinion is a valuable feature of any democracy, but welfare services and provisions are also intended to serve an integrative function. The establishment of the welfare state was, in many respects, conceived ‘to heal social divisions or at least mitigate social inequalities; not only in terms of material inequalities, but also in ideological and political terms’ (Mau, 2001: 3). However, citizenship and its attendant systems of welfare have increasingly come to calcify rather than moderate material, social and attitudinal differentiation. When the fault lines of difference and the capacity to influence welfare politics are drawn based on existing socioeconomic divisions, the (political) legitimacy of social citizenship is threatened. In effect, social citizenship becomes a self-reinforcing practice that reformulates itself in a way that continues to privilege some while penalising others. As a result, the channels of policy influence are broadened for those at the top and narrowed for those at the bottom.
This poses a significant challenge to tackling poverty and inequality through the existing levers and practices of welfare citizenship. If those controlling (and benefiting from) the current citizenship paradigm endorse the features that give legitimation to welfare austerity and social differentiation, how then can these structures be feasibly reformulated? And perhaps more importantly, if those most perniciously affected by exclusionary welfare politics are implicated in the reproduction of ideals and practices that advance sociomaterial marginality, what measures can and should be taken to reinvigorate a social democratic commitment to guide policy and practice? Of course, preceding such questions is the increasingly salient tension between the domestic institutions of governance that structure welfare outcomes and the global (political) economic order, which shapes the operation and capacity of the national welfare state.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Welfare, Inequality and Social CitizenshipDeprivation and Affluence in Austerity Britain, pp. 149 - 168Publisher: Bristol University PressPrint publication year: 2018