Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- List of abbreviations
- Introduction
- Chapter 1 Whites and the ANC, 1945–1950
- Chapter 2 The emergence of white opposition to apartheid, 1950–1953
- Chapter 3 Multiracialism: Communist plot or anti-Communist ploy?
- Chapter 4 From CPSA to SACP via CST: Socialist responses to African nationalism, 1952–1954
- Chapter 5 The South African Congress of Democrats
- Chapter 6 The Liberal Party of South Africa
- Chapter 7 Overhauling liberalism
- Chapter 8 The Congress of the People
- Chapter 9 The Freedom Charter and the politics of non-racialism, 1956–1960
- Notes
- Bibliography
- Index
Chapter 8 - The Congress of the People
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 April 2018
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- List of abbreviations
- Introduction
- Chapter 1 Whites and the ANC, 1945–1950
- Chapter 2 The emergence of white opposition to apartheid, 1950–1953
- Chapter 3 Multiracialism: Communist plot or anti-Communist ploy?
- Chapter 4 From CPSA to SACP via CST: Socialist responses to African nationalism, 1952–1954
- Chapter 5 The South African Congress of Democrats
- Chapter 6 The Liberal Party of South Africa
- Chapter 7 Overhauling liberalism
- Chapter 8 The Congress of the People
- Chapter 9 The Freedom Charter and the politics of non-racialism, 1956–1960
- Notes
- Bibliography
- Index
Summary
In June 1955 some 3 000 delegates attended the Congress of the People (CoP) in Kliptown, Johannesburg, and endorsed the Freedom Charter, a statement of principle distilled (to a greater or lesser degree) from demands submitted by people across South Africa during a sixteen-month campaign sponsored by the Congress Alliance. According to Albert Luthuli, president-general of the African National Congress (ANC),
Nothing in the history of the liberatory movement in South Africa quite caught the popular imagination as this did, not even the Defiance Campaign. Even remote rural areas were aware of the significance of what was going on. The noisy opposition in most of the white Press advertised the Congress and the Charter more effectively than our unaided efforts would have done. So the awakening spread further. The participation of all race groups in this effort underlined the scale of awakening resistance.
Perhaps. Others saw the CoP as a high point of malefic white influence over the ANC, reflected in the Freedom Charter's bold assertion that ‘South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white’; and/or the influence of (particularly white) communists, reflected in the economic clauses of the charter calling for nationalisation of key sectors of the economy.
The campaign was an attempt by Congress to capitalise on a perceived receptivity in white liberal circles to new ideas and to draw whites from the cautious middle ground into co-operation with the Congress movement. Far from being asked merely to rubber stamp a Congress blueprint, liberals were invited to help co-ordinate the campaign, to participate in the creation of local committees, and to canvass black support for their ideals and programme. It was an invitation rejected by all white organisations except the South African Congress of Democrats (SACOD).
White influence in the Congress Alliance grew as post-Defiance Campaign ANC membership and energy dropped. While cause and effect were often a matter of opinion most agree that 1955/56 was a critical time for the Congress movement as it developed (in 1955) and then formally adopted (in 1956) non-racialism as a core principle – despite its multiracial organisational structuring – and never wavered, even when, in the late 1950s, the Africanists, ANC members who accused Congress leaders of betraying the principles of the ‘Programme of Action’, split off.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- The Origins of Non-RacialismWhite Opposition to Apartheid in the 1950s, pp. 169 - 194Publisher: Wits University PressPrint publication year: 2010