Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgments
- Key Dates from Roman History
- To the Reader
- Introduction: Why Rome?
- 1 Anacyclosis: No Regime Is Exceptional and Democracy Is Not Inevitable
- 2 Mighty Republics Can Fall Because of Slow Corruption Rather Than Dramatic Revolutions
- 3 A Revered Tradition of Liberty Can Be Exploited by Authoritarians
- 4 Economic Inequality Drives Civil Strife
- 5 Political Violence Can Become Normalized
- 6 Strongmen Do Not Save Republics
- 7 The Rights and Responsibilities of Citizenship Need to Be Shared and Extended
- 8 Civic Virtue Is as Important as the Constitution and Laws
- 9 A Reckoning with the Oppressed Cannot Be Denied
- 10 Elections Only Work When Everyone Is Willing to Lose
- 11 Disregard for The Civil Liberties of Some Erodes the Legal Rights of All Citizens
- 12 Military Misadventures Abroad Lead to Instability at Home
- 13 Organized, Armed Gangs Tear Apart a Political System
- 14 Institutions May Not Be Able to Save the Republic
- 15 A Tyrant Backed into a Corner Is a Danger to the Republic
- 16 The Real Problem Is Not Simply a Tyrannical Leader
- 17 Free Speech Can Disappear
- 18 The Crisis Can Be Manufactured to Continue
- 19 The Revolution Can Be Advertised as a Restoration
- 20 Freedom Lost Cannot So Easily Be Regained
- Conclusion
- Notes
- Bibliographic Note
- Index
14 - Institutions May Not Be Able to Save the Republic
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 March 2022
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgments
- Key Dates from Roman History
- To the Reader
- Introduction: Why Rome?
- 1 Anacyclosis: No Regime Is Exceptional and Democracy Is Not Inevitable
- 2 Mighty Republics Can Fall Because of Slow Corruption Rather Than Dramatic Revolutions
- 3 A Revered Tradition of Liberty Can Be Exploited by Authoritarians
- 4 Economic Inequality Drives Civil Strife
- 5 Political Violence Can Become Normalized
- 6 Strongmen Do Not Save Republics
- 7 The Rights and Responsibilities of Citizenship Need to Be Shared and Extended
- 8 Civic Virtue Is as Important as the Constitution and Laws
- 9 A Reckoning with the Oppressed Cannot Be Denied
- 10 Elections Only Work When Everyone Is Willing to Lose
- 11 Disregard for The Civil Liberties of Some Erodes the Legal Rights of All Citizens
- 12 Military Misadventures Abroad Lead to Instability at Home
- 13 Organized, Armed Gangs Tear Apart a Political System
- 14 Institutions May Not Be Able to Save the Republic
- 15 A Tyrant Backed into a Corner Is a Danger to the Republic
- 16 The Real Problem Is Not Simply a Tyrannical Leader
- 17 Free Speech Can Disappear
- 18 The Crisis Can Be Manufactured to Continue
- 19 The Revolution Can Be Advertised as a Restoration
- 20 Freedom Lost Cannot So Easily Be Regained
- Conclusion
- Notes
- Bibliographic Note
- Index
Summary
Over the centuries, Rome developed a deep sense of trust and confidence in its political institutions. Like clockwork, elections were held, wars were waged and won, elected officials consulted the senate, and the Romans prospered. Sure, there was disagreement, partisanship, divisions between rich and poor, and hotly contested elections, but there was also stability. Institutions, however, such as deliberative bodies, legal systems, and civic traditions can only bear so much strain. They can prop up a political community in conflict for only so long before they become torn and ultimately collapse under the weight of neglect and abuse. Rome in the late 50s was a poorly functioning political state, a very powerful state no doubt, but one barely able to hold an annual election. In 54 BCE, the candidates for consul participated in bribery, and consequently 53 BCE began with an interregnum, which lasted until July 53 BCE when consuls were finally elected. Typically, Roman consuls were elected in the July before they entered office in January; the consuls of 53 BCE were thus elected a full year after they should have been. The next year also began with an interregnum and ended with Pompey being elected sole consul as mentioned in the previous chapter. The elections for 51 and 50 BCE did proceed much more smoothly than the previous two years, but Rome was on shaky ground for determining how to handle Caesar's return from Gaul at the head of a triumphant army.
By the late 50s BCE, the Roman Republic was in such a debilitated state that it was no longer able to address the most pressing concerns of the day without violence and rancor. In 50 BCE, a concern that had been looming was now front and center. For years, everyone in Rome knew that at some point (the date was actually disputed), Caesar would be returning from Gaul, where he was systematically defeating his opponents. The natural question for Caesar and the Roman political class was—what to do with Caesar when he returned? Individuals and institutions had time to ponder this question. At stake was whether Caesar should be allowed to run in absentia for consul in 49 BCE, a right that had been granted to him in 52 BCE.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- On the Fall of the Roman RepublicLessons for the American People, pp. 65 - 68Publisher: Anthem PressPrint publication year: 2022