Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgments
- Key Dates from Roman History
- To the Reader
- Introduction: Why Rome?
- 1 Anacyclosis: No Regime Is Exceptional and Democracy Is Not Inevitable
- 2 Mighty Republics Can Fall Because of Slow Corruption Rather Than Dramatic Revolutions
- 3 A Revered Tradition of Liberty Can Be Exploited by Authoritarians
- 4 Economic Inequality Drives Civil Strife
- 5 Political Violence Can Become Normalized
- 6 Strongmen Do Not Save Republics
- 7 The Rights and Responsibilities of Citizenship Need to Be Shared and Extended
- 8 Civic Virtue Is as Important as the Constitution and Laws
- 9 A Reckoning with the Oppressed Cannot Be Denied
- 10 Elections Only Work When Everyone Is Willing to Lose
- 11 Disregard for The Civil Liberties of Some Erodes the Legal Rights of All Citizens
- 12 Military Misadventures Abroad Lead to Instability at Home
- 13 Organized, Armed Gangs Tear Apart a Political System
- 14 Institutions May Not Be Able to Save the Republic
- 15 A Tyrant Backed into a Corner Is a Danger to the Republic
- 16 The Real Problem Is Not Simply a Tyrannical Leader
- 17 Free Speech Can Disappear
- 18 The Crisis Can Be Manufactured to Continue
- 19 The Revolution Can Be Advertised as a Restoration
- 20 Freedom Lost Cannot So Easily Be Regained
- Conclusion
- Notes
- Bibliographic Note
- Index
17 - Free Speech Can Disappear
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 March 2022
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgments
- Key Dates from Roman History
- To the Reader
- Introduction: Why Rome?
- 1 Anacyclosis: No Regime Is Exceptional and Democracy Is Not Inevitable
- 2 Mighty Republics Can Fall Because of Slow Corruption Rather Than Dramatic Revolutions
- 3 A Revered Tradition of Liberty Can Be Exploited by Authoritarians
- 4 Economic Inequality Drives Civil Strife
- 5 Political Violence Can Become Normalized
- 6 Strongmen Do Not Save Republics
- 7 The Rights and Responsibilities of Citizenship Need to Be Shared and Extended
- 8 Civic Virtue Is as Important as the Constitution and Laws
- 9 A Reckoning with the Oppressed Cannot Be Denied
- 10 Elections Only Work When Everyone Is Willing to Lose
- 11 Disregard for The Civil Liberties of Some Erodes the Legal Rights of All Citizens
- 12 Military Misadventures Abroad Lead to Instability at Home
- 13 Organized, Armed Gangs Tear Apart a Political System
- 14 Institutions May Not Be Able to Save the Republic
- 15 A Tyrant Backed into a Corner Is a Danger to the Republic
- 16 The Real Problem Is Not Simply a Tyrannical Leader
- 17 Free Speech Can Disappear
- 18 The Crisis Can Be Manufactured to Continue
- 19 The Revolution Can Be Advertised as a Restoration
- 20 Freedom Lost Cannot So Easily Be Regained
- Conclusion
- Notes
- Bibliographic Note
- Index
Summary
In the 20 years since his suppression of the Catilinarian Conspiracy as consul in 63 BCE, Cicero had a checkered political career: exile at the hands of Clodius for his execution without trial of the citizen-conspirators, an uneasy accommodation with Caesar and Pompey after his recall, a lukewarm involvement in the civil war, and years in solitude composing philosophical tracts. As if throwing off 20 years of malaise, Cicero propelled himself into events following the assassination of Caesar. Cicero was not a party to the assassination, but he wasted no time in praising the tyrannicides and the newly asserted liberty. He was now the elder statesmen for a new generation of political leaders; most of his contemporaries had died either from age or from the violence of the civil wars.
Cicero publicly aligned himself with Brutus and Cassius and sought to take under his wing Octavian, Caesar's grandnephew and adopted son, a political neophyte, though wise and ruthless beyond his years. In late 44 and early 43 BCE, the senate, led by Cicero, attempted to turn Octavian to their side and against Mark Antony. For a brief time, this strategy was successful, but Cicero would soon learn what many others have, that a “fateful alliance,” rather than caution or outright opposition, with an ambitious, yet inexperienced, political outsider can fail tragically. Cicero viciously tore into Antony in his famous Philippics, 14 speeches named after the orations against King Philip II of Macedonia by the Athenian orator Demosthenes. The speeches (some were published without being delivered) called Antony every name in the book—a drunkard, a gambler, and a whore-monger. Whether one agreed with Cicero or not, such language was in 43 BCE standard fare for how Romans frequently spoke and wrote about rival politicians. Simply put, Rome enjoyed free speech, lots of it. When Cicero composed his speeches and philosophical tracts, some of the most influential writings in Latin and European literature, no doubt he thought a great deal about what people would think of them—would his words be persuasive, would they stand up to his reputation, would they have their intended effect upon his audience? We can never be certain if Cicero ever thought about whether his words would get him imprisoned, exiled, or killed; given the ferocity with which Cicero attacked his political enemies, it seems that this was not foremost in his mind.
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- On the Fall of the Roman RepublicLessons for the American People, pp. 77 - 80Publisher: Anthem PressPrint publication year: 2022