Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface to the fourth edition
- Maps
- Photographs
- I The Physical and Social Setting
- II Before Partition
- III The Imperial Partition: l860-97
- IV The Dervish Fight for Freedom: 1900-20
- V Somali Unification: The Italian East African Empire
- VI The Restoration of Colonial Frontiers: 1940-50
- VII From Trusteeship to Independence: 1950-60
- VIII The Problems of Independence
- IX The Somali Revolution: 1969-76
- X Nationalism, Ethnicity and Revolution in the Horn of Africa
- XI Chaos, International Intervention and Developments in the North
- Notes
- Index
IX - The Somali Revolution: 1969-76
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 August 2017
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface to the fourth edition
- Maps
- Photographs
- I The Physical and Social Setting
- II Before Partition
- III The Imperial Partition: l860-97
- IV The Dervish Fight for Freedom: 1900-20
- V Somali Unification: The Italian East African Empire
- VI The Restoration of Colonial Frontiers: 1940-50
- VII From Trusteeship to Independence: 1950-60
- VIII The Problems of Independence
- IX The Somali Revolution: 1969-76
- X Nationalism, Ethnicity and Revolution in the Horn of Africa
- XI Chaos, International Intervention and Developments in the North
- Notes
- Index
Summary
The military coup
THE ELECTIONS WHICH had brought the S.Y.L. to power with such overwhelming authority had left a bitter legacy of discontent. Although, at constituency level, rival lineage segments had hedged their bets by supporting several candidates under different party banners, many had not succeeded in returning a trusted representative to Mogadishu. Many of the unsuccessful candidates who had invested so heavily in the campaign were powerful, ambitious people and the conduct of the elections encouraged them to bring forward a large number of electoral petitions and complaints to the courts. The government's answer was provided by the Supreme Court which, contrary to previous decisions, now ruled that it was not empowered to judge such issues. This naturally increased the frustration felt by many of those who had not gained a seat in the Assembly. At the same time, although the S.Y.L. monopolized the Assembly, their very numbers gready exacerbated the normal problems of party discipline. This encouraged IgaPs government to rely even more heavily than its predecessors on the funds at its disposal. Opponents and critics outside the Assembly were consequently able to complain even more bitterly of the corruption and nepotism which they considered now prevailed at all levels of government.
This sense of discontent and frustration was by no means limited only to members of the westernized elite. The democratic parliamentary process which had seemed to blend so well with traditional Somali political institutions and had begun with such verve and promise, had turned distinctly sour. The National Assembly was no longer the symbol of free speech and fair play for all citizens. It was now widely regarded cynically as a sordid market-place where, with litde concern for the interests of those who had voted for them, deputies traded their votes for personal gain. Deputies were ferried about in sumptuous limousines, bearing the magic registration letters A.N. ﹛Assembled Na∧ionale) which the inveterate poor of the capital translated with grim humour as anna nolabaj: ‘Tm all right, Jack’. A story popular in Mogadishu epitomizing the gulf between rulers and ruled referred to an incident in which one man riding on another's back and making the motions of driving a vehicle was stopped by a puzzled guard at the entrance to Government Headquarters (Governo).
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- A Modern History of the SomaliNation and State in the Horn of Africa, pp. 205 - 225Publisher: Boydell & BrewerPrint publication year: 2002