Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface to the fourth edition
- Maps
- Photographs
- I The Physical and Social Setting
- II Before Partition
- III The Imperial Partition: l860-97
- IV The Dervish Fight for Freedom: 1900-20
- V Somali Unification: The Italian East African Empire
- VI The Restoration of Colonial Frontiers: 1940-50
- VII From Trusteeship to Independence: 1950-60
- VIII The Problems of Independence
- IX The Somali Revolution: 1969-76
- X Nationalism, Ethnicity and Revolution in the Horn of Africa
- XI Chaos, International Intervention and Developments in the North
- Notes
- Index
X - Nationalism, Ethnicity and Revolution in the Horn of Africa
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 August 2017
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Preface to the fourth edition
- Maps
- Photographs
- I The Physical and Social Setting
- II Before Partition
- III The Imperial Partition: l860-97
- IV The Dervish Fight for Freedom: 1900-20
- V Somali Unification: The Italian East African Empire
- VI The Restoration of Colonial Frontiers: 1940-50
- VII From Trusteeship to Independence: 1950-60
- VIII The Problems of Independence
- IX The Somali Revolution: 1969-76
- X Nationalism, Ethnicity and Revolution in the Horn of Africa
- XI Chaos, International Intervention and Developments in the North
- Notes
- Index
Summary
Somalia's new prominence in international affairs
THE FIRST PHASE of General Siyad s military rule (roughly up to 1974) may be characterized as a period of concentration on internal problems, namely, local development and the consolidation of the regime's authority. The dramatic progress which had been achieved on these fronts encouraged in the second phase of Siyad s government a more extrovert policy with a greater involvement in external affairs - both locally and internationally. Tentative steps had already been made in this direction on a number of occasions, as for instance in 1972 when Somalia successfully mediated in the confrontation between Uganda and Tanzania. But this forward external policy assumed much greater prominence in 1974 when, having joined the Arab League as the only non-Arabic-speaking member state, Somalia also acted as host for the Organization of African Unity. Although the elaborate arrangements involved in providing the necessary facilities (including security) for the official delegations and numerous guests and news reporters posed a serious challenge to local resources in Mogadishu, the country rose to the occasion which proved to be a considerable success. No expense was spared to take this opportunity of promoting the image of Somalia in African, Arab and international eyes as a proudly independent progressive socialist state, with an impressive record of achievements to boast. The O.A.U. meeting was held in June in the sumptuous new People's Palace in Mogadishu, constructed at great cost, and a fleet of Mercedes Benz limousines was acquired for the use of the visiting Heads of State. Although there were naturally those who criticized such extravagant hospitality as a ridiculous waste of scarce resources, many ordinary people were proud of their country's newly found importance. As one young official pointed out, Gross National Pride was sometimes more significant than Gross National Product!
In seeking a more prominent and forceful role in African affairs, the regime stressed how well placed geographically Somalia was to act as a natural mediator between the Islamic world and sub- Saharan Africa. Since the Sudan had previously presented itself in this light, Somalia's bid for the same position brought a new component of rivalry to the hitherto generally close relationship between the two states. Collaborating with Cuba in the training of guerrilla forces for the African Liberation movements, and as O.A.U.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- A Modern History of the SomaliNation and State in the Horn of Africa, pp. 226 - 261Publisher: Boydell & BrewerPrint publication year: 2002