Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- List of Contributors
- List of Illustrations
- Introduction to Revised Edition
- Introduction
- Achieving Transformational Change
- The Resolution of Armed Conflict: Internationalization and its Lessons, Particularly in Northern Ireland
- Some Reflections on Successful Negotiation in South Africa
- The Secrets of the Oslo Channels: Lessons from Norwegian Peace Facilitation in the Middle East, Central America and the Balkans
- The Awakening: Irish-America's Key Role in the Irish Peace Process
- ‘Give Us Another MacBride Campaign’: An Irish-American Contribution to Peaceful Change in Northern Ireland
- Towards Peace in Northern Ireland
- Neither Orange March nor Irish Jig: Finding Compromise in Northern Ireland
- Mountain-climbing Irish-style: The Hidden Challenges of the Peace Process
- The Good Friday Agreement: A Vision for a New Order in Northern Ireland
- Hillsborough to Belfast: Is It the Final Lap?
- Defining Republicanism: Shifting Discourses of New Nationalism and Post-republicanism
- Conflict, Memory and Reconciliation
- Keeping Going: Beyond Good Friday
- Religion and Identity in Northern Ireland
- Getting to Know the ‘Other’: Inter-church Groups and Peace-building in Northern Ireland
- Enduring Problems: The Belfast Agreement and a Disagreed Belfast
- Appendices: Key Recommendations of
- 1 The Sunningdale Agreement (December 1973)
- 2 The Anglo-Irish (Hillsborough) Agreement (November 1985)
- 3 The Opsahl Commission (June 1993)
- 4 The Downing Street Joint Declaration (December 1993)
- 5 The Framework Document (1995)
- 6 The Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement (April 1998)
- 7 The Report of the Northern Ireland Victims Commission (Sir Kenneth Bloom.eld, 1998)
- 8 The Patten Report (1999)
- 9 Review of the Parades Commission (Sir George Quigley, 2002)
- Index
- Images
Getting to Know the ‘Other’: Inter-church Groups and Peace-building in Northern Ireland
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- List of Contributors
- List of Illustrations
- Introduction to Revised Edition
- Introduction
- Achieving Transformational Change
- The Resolution of Armed Conflict: Internationalization and its Lessons, Particularly in Northern Ireland
- Some Reflections on Successful Negotiation in South Africa
- The Secrets of the Oslo Channels: Lessons from Norwegian Peace Facilitation in the Middle East, Central America and the Balkans
- The Awakening: Irish-America's Key Role in the Irish Peace Process
- ‘Give Us Another MacBride Campaign’: An Irish-American Contribution to Peaceful Change in Northern Ireland
- Towards Peace in Northern Ireland
- Neither Orange March nor Irish Jig: Finding Compromise in Northern Ireland
- Mountain-climbing Irish-style: The Hidden Challenges of the Peace Process
- The Good Friday Agreement: A Vision for a New Order in Northern Ireland
- Hillsborough to Belfast: Is It the Final Lap?
- Defining Republicanism: Shifting Discourses of New Nationalism and Post-republicanism
- Conflict, Memory and Reconciliation
- Keeping Going: Beyond Good Friday
- Religion and Identity in Northern Ireland
- Getting to Know the ‘Other’: Inter-church Groups and Peace-building in Northern Ireland
- Enduring Problems: The Belfast Agreement and a Disagreed Belfast
- Appendices: Key Recommendations of
- 1 The Sunningdale Agreement (December 1973)
- 2 The Anglo-Irish (Hillsborough) Agreement (November 1985)
- 3 The Opsahl Commission (June 1993)
- 4 The Downing Street Joint Declaration (December 1993)
- 5 The Framework Document (1995)
- 6 The Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement (April 1998)
- 7 The Report of the Northern Ireland Victims Commission (Sir Kenneth Bloom.eld, 1998)
- 8 The Patten Report (1999)
- 9 Review of the Parades Commission (Sir George Quigley, 2002)
- Index
- Images
Summary
The Catholic, Nationalist, Republican community are not British – so you get an anti-Britishness inside the Nationalist, Republican, Catholic community. Whereas inside the Protestant community, you get the same phenomenon expressed as anti-Catholicism. So, they define themselves over and against Catholicism – they are not Catholics. So, it works in the two communities in two slightly different ways but the end result is the same: you end up with a divided community.
The conflict in Northern Ireland is one of contradictory identities based upon, among other things, differing political aspirations and religious affiliations, leading to communal identity defining itself along these lines. The result of this has been the creation of an oppositional identity in which the two communities generally classify themselves according to who they are not, rather than who they are. In The Journey Towards Reconciliation, John Paul Lederach describes this as a three-stage process. During the first stage, those involved ‘begin to see in another person, not the sameness [they] share, but the differences between [them] that [they] identify as negative. [They] attach to those differences a negative judgement, a projection that this person is a threat to [them] and is wrong’. This separation from the ‘other’ in turn leads to feelings of superiority, which finally prompts a process of dehumanization and a belief that morally they stand above the other group. Marc Gopin has summed up this experience, commenting: ‘It is typical of conflict-generation thinking to formulate one's identity in opposition to another's identity, to form one's self as part of an ingroup verses the outgroup’. In Northern Ireland this has resulted in the development of boundaries which are challenging to cross, both psychologically and, during times of heightened violence and tension, physically.
Religion plays a large role in the creation of these boundaries, providing a means of defining cultural and political as well as religious values and beliefs, producing ‘a popular culture which invokes religion as a boundary marker between the two communities’. In the 2001 Census, 85.5 per cent of the population readily identified themselves with a religious denomination and the Protestant and Catholic Churches are still viewed as the largest institutions of civil society. Indeed, as David Stevens points out, ‘the churches are present in every community in Northern Ireland. Much of the voluntary effort in this society is focused around churches and they contribute enormously to social capital’.
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- The Long Road to Peace in Northern IrelandPeace Lectures from the Institute of Irish Studies at Liverpool University, pp. 192 - 206Publisher: Liverpool University PressPrint publication year: 2007