Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 April 2022
Introduction
When the Swedish debate on raising the retirement age began in the early 1990s, the country was in deep financial crisis and joint efforts were being made across the political parties to stabilise the economy. In the same spirit, a broad political collaboration sought to create a reformed pension system, where the question of retirement age was central. The problem was said to be increasing life expectancy and a pension system that was dependent on economic growth. The goal was therefore to lower the costs of the national pension system and to reduce the financial burden for workers (Government Bill, 1992/93). In 1994, the parliamentary collaboration created a new old-age pension system (Ds, 2009: 53) that included the implementation of a flexible retirement age between 61 and 67 years.
In the autumn of 2015, the government, in collaboration with the multiparty pensions group, which has existed since the 1990s, stated its intent to propose raising the minimum retirement age within the near future, in accordance with international recommendations (see European Commission, 2009; OECD, 2006). Increasing life expectancy and the financing of the pension system surfaced again as arguments for reform. However, policymakers also emphasised that many people do not have the physical ability to work until the age of 65, in light of sick-leave statistics for women in the public sector, and that it is therefore important to highlight the occupational health and safety issues before raising the retirement age (SVT Nyheter, 2015).
Two decades of unanimous arguments convey the impression that raising the retirement age is a unique rational solution to an objective and unambiguous problem. However, in line with Bacchi (1999, 2009), we argue that political proposals are flawed in that they are based on limited articulations of the problem to be solved and on a simultaneous exclusion of other possible perspectives. Policy documents on retirement age are, thus, not objective solutions to problems; rather, they are proactive actions that focus on some aspects and play down others (Bacchi, 2009).
From this starting point, the Swedish labour market from a gender and age perspective is considered, looking at the Swedish pension system and the perceived obstacles to an extended working life.
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