Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- Abbreviations
- one Introduction: understanding the political regulation of the family
- two Mapping, evaluating and formulating modern family life
- three The family in the Swedish model
- four Towards gender-neutral ideals and gender equality politics
- five Family policy in the age of neoliberalism
- six Family policy and gender equality in the new millennium
- seven Conclusion: family policy paradoxes
- References
- Index
four - Towards gender-neutral ideals and gender equality politics
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 September 2022
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- Abbreviations
- one Introduction: understanding the political regulation of the family
- two Mapping, evaluating and formulating modern family life
- three The family in the Swedish model
- four Towards gender-neutral ideals and gender equality politics
- five Family policy in the age of neoliberalism
- six Family policy and gender equality in the new millennium
- seven Conclusion: family policy paradoxes
- References
- Index
Summary
We should stop hammering in the concept of ‘women's two roles’. Both men and women have one lead role, that as human beings. The role as human beings entails, as a necessity and as a moral obligation, but also a sweet experience and much else, taking care of your offspring. If one does not admit that, one should understand that one contributes to making women's liberation what it is now: a paroled liberation. Woman has only been set free under the implicit condition that she sees her main task to be to care for and foster her children and create an environment in which to bring them up. (Moberg, 2003 [1961], p 14)
Eva Moberg, author and debater, wrote these words in the edited volume Young Liberals. Her article came to play a large role in a debate that resulted in the transformation of family policy in the 1960s. The issues that she raised – whether caring were a task only for women, and whether women were only ‘on probation’ – disturbed the equilibrium of the family debate, which, despite all the reforms that had been enacted in the 1940s and 1950s, still glorified motherhood and the nuclear family.
Eva Moberg was not alone in showcasing the lack of gender equality. The new women's movement grew strong in the 1960s, demanding changes both in the political system and within the family. At the same time, family experts, from Norway and Sweden, from within psychology, sociology and education, studied the social processes behind gender differences and inequality between women and men. By highlighting how ‘sex roles’ were socially constructed, they claimed that they could explain how women became subordinated in society (Dahlström et al, 1962).
With a different starting point from the women's movement, but with similar aims, came the labour market parties. Their primary concern was to reduce the labour shortages of the period, which seemed to necessitate a much more structured inflow of women into the labour market. This, in turn, was an integral part of the active labour market policy, and the policy hegemon of the era, the National Labour Market Board (AMS).
As a result of the vivid and radical years of the 1960s, family policy reforms changed direction in the 1970s, from a focus on families and family functions, where women were the primary target for family policy reforms, to genderneutral ideals and gender equality in a wider context, in particular equality in the labour market.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Family Policy ParadoxesGender Equality and Labour Market Regulation in Sweden, 1930-2010, pp. 61 - 82Publisher: Bristol University PressPrint publication year: 2011