Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction
- 1 Mobilisation theory and the state: the missing element
- 2 States, free riders and collective movements
- 3 The state and mobilisation for war: the case of the French Revolution
- 4 Ideology, collective action and the state: Germany, England, France
- 5 Individual action, collective action and workers' strategy: the United States, Great Britain and France
- 6 The state versus corporatism: France and England
- 7 The Nazi collective movement against the Prussian state
- 8 Territorial and ethnic mobilisation in Scotland, Brittany and Catalonia
- 9 Nation, state and culture: the example of Zionism
- 10 The state, the police and the West Indians: collective movements in Great Britain
- Conclusion: the end of the state? From differentiation to dedifferentiation
- Notes
- Index
8 - Territorial and ethnic mobilisation in Scotland, Brittany and Catalonia
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 August 2010
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction
- 1 Mobilisation theory and the state: the missing element
- 2 States, free riders and collective movements
- 3 The state and mobilisation for war: the case of the French Revolution
- 4 Ideology, collective action and the state: Germany, England, France
- 5 Individual action, collective action and workers' strategy: the United States, Great Britain and France
- 6 The state versus corporatism: France and England
- 7 The Nazi collective movement against the Prussian state
- 8 Territorial and ethnic mobilisation in Scotland, Brittany and Catalonia
- 9 Nation, state and culture: the example of Zionism
- 10 The state, the police and the West Indians: collective movements in Great Britain
- Conclusion: the end of the state? From differentiation to dedifferentiation
- Notes
- Index
Summary
History sometimes produces some surprising coincidences. Thus, in 1707, Scotland voluntarily negotiated its union with England while Catalonia, at the same date, had the laws of Castile imposed upon it, ‘in the name of the just rights of conquest’; during this same period, Brittany endured harsh repression at the hands of Louis XIV's armies. Just as each state conducts a specific foreign policy, so too does it pursue a particular line of conduct domestically, in relation to national minorities. If one considers the policies followed by England, a weak state, in relation to Scotland, those of France, a strong state, with respect to Brittany, and finally those which Spain, a weak state that wished to be a strong one, pursued in relation to Catalonia, could one perhaps identify a political logic at work within the political system, and thereby explain the extreme diversity of the strategies adopted by nationality movements when confronted with different types of state?
Some writers, adopting a developmentalist perspective, have felt able to maintain that industrialisation ought to bring about a decline in ethnic tensions and further the homogenisation of society through the spread of modernising and universalist values. According to others, nationality movements fade into the background during the capitalist period when faced with the main conflict, which is that of social classes in perpetual struggle. Thus Rosa Luxemburg condemned the claims advanced by nationalities, on the grounds that they distracted from class conflict.
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- Information
- States and Collective ActionThe European Experience, pp. 146 - 155Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 1988