This article presents the background to and prospects for a new initiative in archaeological field survey and database integration. The Roman Hinterland Project combines data from the Tiber Valley Project, Roman Suburbium Project, and the Pontine Region Project into a single database, which the authors believe to be one of the most complete repositories of data for the hinterland of a major ancient metropolis, covering nearly 2000 years of history. The logic of combining these databases in the context of studying the Roman landscape is explained and illustrated with analyses that show their capacity to contribute to major debates in Roman economy, demography, and the longue durée of the human condition in a globalizing world.

After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the building of the modern Turkish Republic was financed largely through the taxes extracted from the agricultural economy. Turkey’s economy was largely based on agriculture and accordingly the new state relied heavily on rural resources. Despite the abolition of the tithe, many other agricultural taxes increased remarkably. This paper examines the peasants’ everyday resistance to heavy taxes under the single-party regime in interwar Turkey. It shows that under an authoritarian single-party system, poor and small-income peasants used daily and mostly informal means to cope with the social injustice that resulted from the increasingly burdensome economic demands of the new state. In contrast to the existing accounts, which mostly regard the peasants as being atomized under the absolute control of the state, this paper portrays them as an active social dynamic that annulled the greater part of the taxes in practice and compelled the government to soften its heavy taxes. Based on new archival sources, such as gendarme records, politicians’ reports, citizens’ petitions, and newspaper reports, this paper reveals the peasants’ different forms of politics and the direct and indirect impact of such politics on the social and political transformation of the new Republic and on the modernization of Turkey overall.

A once-dominant family of interpretations of the beginnings of Japanese and Russian development claimed that policies adopted by the two states were inadequate to modernize agrarian property relations, and so both states were required to mediate between premodern agriculture and “hot-house” modern industry. More recent accounts have insisted that despite the limited reforms to agrarian property relations, agriculture in both countries in fact dynamically participated in economic development. This paper contends that these revised accounts’ one-sided focus on market opportunities leaves unresolved key puzzles. Why did productivity growth jump higher after the Meiji reforms in Japan? Why did only some regions participate in agricultural development in Russia? To answer these questions, this paper argues it is necessary to return attention to the ways agrarian property relations did and did not change following reforms adopted by the two states in the 1860s and 1870s. The key theoretical upshot of this analysis is that the initiation of capitalist development required a political process in which institutions that had previously guaranteed non-market access of rural households to subsistence were dismantled in favor of the domination of market relations.

Except for some excavated coastal sites, the rural hinterland of ancient Chersonesos on the Tarkhankut Peninsula in north-west Crimea has been understood only from pot scatters recorded during landscape survey and fieldwalking. The city's rural territory (chora) thrived from the fourth to second century BC, but little is known of the identity of its inhabitants, especially those in the inland areas. This paper presents the results of the first systematic excavations in this part of the peninsula. The results challenge previous notions that the territory was occupied by nomadic indigenous communities and reveal that the site shared the fate of the entire Chersonesean chora, meeting a violent end in the early part of the third century BC.

Illegal hunting of resident and migratory herbivores is widespread in the Serengeti National Park, Tanzania. To devise effective strategies to reduce levels of hunting, information is required on why people are involved in illegal hunting and the role of bushmeat in the local economy. Participation in hunting may be influenced by measures of relative wealth, including livestock ownership, means of generating cash income and access to alternative sources of meat. Data came from 300 individuals responding to a questionnaire in 10 villages, from responses by 359 people in 24 group discussions in another 12 villages, and from 552 people arrested and interviewed in the National Park. A smaller proportion of individual respondents (32%) than group respondents (57%) volunteered that they participated in illegal hunting. Most individual and group respondents were subsistence farmers who considered bushmeat to be a source of protein and a means of generating cash income. Three-quarters of those arrested participated in hunting primarily to generate cash income and a quarter claimed that they only hunted to obtain food. Participation in illegal hunting decreased as wealth in terms of the number of sheep and goats owned increased. People with access to alternative means of generating income or acquiring protein were also less likely to be involved in illegal hunting. Arrested respondents were typically young adult males with low incomes and few or no livestock. Illegal hunting was not reduced by participation in community-based conservation pro-grammes. Results suggested that between 52 000 and 60 000 people participated in illegal hunting within protected areas, and that many young men (approximately 5200) derived their primary source of income from hunting.

Conversions from conventional to sustainable farming systems could affect local rural economies either positively or negatively, by several means: changes in income of agricultural households; backward linkages to input supply firms; forward linkages to transportation, processing, and marketing firms; and changes in consumer expenditures by agricultural and other households. We estimated these effects for five local rural economies in South Dakota, representing different agroclimatic and population settlement patterns. Whole-farm economic models of case study conventional and sustainable farms in each area were used to estimate differences in input purchase and marketing patterns. We found declines in on-farm personal income (returns to farm labor and management) in four of the five case comparisons under a conversion to sustainable farming systems if organic price premiums are ignored; we found increases in three of five cases if applicable organic premiums are included. In all five study areas, total off-farm personal income drops in the portions of local economies connected to farming through backward linkages. It also drops in four of the five study areas in the portions of local economies connected through forward linkages if organic premiums are ignored (all five if organic premiums are included). However, net forward linkage effects are usually much smaller than net backward linkage effects, and on-farm personal income effects are substantially greater than either backward or forward off-farm linkage effects in most cases. The total (on-and off-farm) personal income effect of converting to sustainable systems is positive in only one area without organic premiums, and in one additional area with premiums. The ratio of total to on-farm personal income effects within local economies, considering only first round effects on backward- and forward-linked firms, averages 1.2 without organic premiums, or 0.6 with them. Taking account of more complete multiplier effects, which also consider changes in consumer expenditures and changes in expenditures for supplies by backward- and forward-linked firms, the average is 1.8 without organic premiums, or 0.8 with them. With more time for changes in sustainable production techniques and in the structure of farms and the rural economy, the overall economic effects of conversions to sustainable farming are likely to be more positive than our estimates.