Traditional agroforestry homegardens deliver multiple products and benefits, including food security and livelihoods for rural households in Ethiopia. However, this land use has been changing towards monoculture production of khat (Catha edulis). This study analyses the development trajectories and causes of change in agroforestry homegardens. In total, 84 interviews, including key informant and semi-structured household interviews, and eight focus group discussions were conducted in the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples' Regional State. It was found that khat production was increasing regardless of household wealth status. The proximate causes included better financial income for households, smaller sizes of farms due to farm land redistribution, favourable market conditions for khat, access to irrigation, decrease in governmental subsidies to buy fertilizer and quality seeds for food crop production, a positive experience of other farmers in khat production, and minimizing risks of theft and wildlife damage. Khat production challenges the implementation of national policies towards eradication of poverty and hunger.

According to the conventional view, causal and moral responsibility have a strict hierarchical relationship. Determining causal responsibility comes first; then we sort through the factors to which we have assigned causal responsibility and determine which, if any, should be assigned moral responsibility too. Moral inquiry accordingly stands not only apart but also above causal inquiry. But I am going to argue that this way of looking at causal and moral responsibility is a mistake. Rather than being separate and independent inquires with different purposes and concerns, I am going to argue that finding causal responsibility actually entails finding moral responsibility even when there is no evidence of what we would call traditional fault. Indeed, I am going to argue we cannot find someone causally responsible without finding them morally responsible too.

We describe the age structures of two neighbouring terrestrial salamander populations. The skeletochronological method was also used on larvae in utero and on new-born individuals. The age of adults was 8–24 years in population A, while males reached maturity at 3–5 years old and the youngest females were 6 years old in population B. Males and females from population B were also larger than those in population A. For the first time, lines of arrested growth (LAGs) were also found in the humerus of intra-uterine larvae and new-born individuals, indicating that young can spend up to 3 years in utero (population B) and up to 4 years (population A) before hatching. Growth of adults (fitted by the Bertalanffy model) also exhibited differences in growth coefficient (k) and mean asymptotic length (SVLmax) between sexes and populations. Local climatic conditions differed between the two areas of these populations and we hypothesize that the number of rainy days directly influences foraging during the short period of activity (< 3 months), leading to a delay in age at maturity, smaller length and growth rate, and increased gestation duration in the drier environment. The discussion is focused on proximate environmental influences on the variation of length and associated life-history traits in ectotherms, especially in terrestrial salamanders.