We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure [email protected]
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Sixty-two percent of the 162 preferential trade agreements (PTAs) signed between 1945 and 1989, and 81 percent of the 654 post-1990 PTAs, include at least one clause on a non-trade issue (NTI). Using a novel dataset that covers 262 data points on NTIs in 644 PTAs,shows three major trends of NTIs in trade deals: first, the NTIs agenda is broadening, with ever more aspects included in trade agreements. Modern PTAs move beyond clauses on national security, a general call on environmental protection, and labor rights. Instead, these progressive agreements cover aspects ranging from gender to waste management, to the fight against terrorism. Second, the style of regulating such issues converges. No longer are there different approaches to deal with NTIs in PTAs. Now, the gold standards seem to be the installation of a court system dealing with potential NTI violation and combining this with a formal dialog between policy makers and domestic stakeholders on NTIs. Third, developing countries have been catching up and increasingly commit to NTIs. The proliferation of NTIs in PTAs is likely to continue, where societal pressure is prone to push this process even further.
This chapter first characterizes the fundamental purposes of the WTO and trade agreements, which should be viewed as much broader than trade liberalization. It then presents the major challenges that the trade system now faces. Special emphasis is paid to technological change since the WTO was created in 1995, namely, the development of global value chains. Finally, the author contends that trade agreements, in response, must be designed and conditioned upon social policy commitments. They should include, or be conditioned upon, agreements that cover: coordinated tax policy to combat harmful tax competition, tax avoidance, and tax evasion; domestic social security and job retraining, supported by trade adjustment commitments; labor protection; protections against social dumping; and accommodation of industrial policy experimentation for development. It will not be an easy process to reconceive trade agreements to better ensure social inclusion through these means, but the current system otherwise could unravel.
Recommend this
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.