L'article évalue l’état de la représentation substantive des femmes, des individus moins éduqués, moins fortunés, des jeunes ainsi que des allophones en politique provinciale québécoise. La représentation des citoyen(ne)s par les partis politiques est conceptualisée selon trois types de congruence idéologique: 1) le parti étant idéologiquement le plus proche des citoyen(ne)s; 2) le parti pour lequel les citoyen(ne)s ont voté; et 3) le système partisan. Nous évaluons ces formes de représentation face à cinq dimensions structurant la politique québécoise, permettant ainsi une approche multidimensionnelle à la représentation : l'axe souverainiste-fédéraliste, l'axe gauche-droite, les dépenses sociales, les dépenses en environnement, ainsi que l'immigration. Nos résultats présentent un portrait complexe de la représentation. Bien que certains groupes apparaissent moins bien représentés (en particulier, les femmes et les individus moins éduqués) aucun groupe ne l'est de façon systématique, et certains groupes sont parfois même avantagés (en particulier, les jeunes).

Recent sociological research tends to move beyond the divide between economics and sociology in the study of socioeconomic inequality. It focuses primarily on the relationship between social class and work-related income. Yet, it has been shown that wealth, rather than income, was the decisive feature of contemporary inequality and that wealth and income increasingly tend to be captured through the same households. To bridge the gap between the two disciplines and provide a comprehensive understanding of socioeconomic inequality, this article developed an integrated analysis of wealth and income distribution among occupational groups at different ages in five major European countries. To that end, we used the Household Financial and Consumption Survey [2014 wave] of the European Central Bank network.

This article explores the inequality inhering to low-wage migrant labour and critically evaluates the current capacity of human rights law to account for and address this inequality. This article uses two recent human rights tribunal decisions as case studies through which to conduct this examination: PN v FR, 2015 BCHRT 60, and OPT v Presteve Foods Ltd, 2015 HRTO 675. While these cases establish the positive role of human rights law in accounting for the wider context in which inequality impacts on migrant labour, this role is also inherently limited by the purpose, scope, and function of the Tribunals. This article will identify and discuss issues illustrated in the cases that are reflective of deeper systemic and structural inequalities attending low-wage migrant labour, including: the underlying reasons motivating low-wage labour migration; the legal regulations governing migrant workers’ status and employment conditions; and, the racialization of migrant workers.

As Canada’s population continues to age, social isolation among older people is a growing concern and national-level priority. Although much is known about individual-level risks and negative health outcomes associated with social isolation in later life, the impact of life course trajectories and the more collective experiences are seldom considered. Current definitions and program responses tend to rely on individualized approaches to social isolation. Here, we argue that the conversation be extended to consider the social and cultural aspects of social isolation among older people. Specifically, we suggest that definitions and approaches consider three particular dimensions: temporal factors, spatial factors, and the relationship between social isolation and exclusion. Doing so, we argue, would result in a more inclusive approach to social isolation in late life, and the development of capacity to address social isolation among a wide range of older people, particularly the needs of vulnerable or marginalized groups.