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4 results

  • 13 - Citizen Insecurity

  • from Part II - Current Issues
  • Gregory B. Weeks, University of North Carolina, Charlotte, Michael E. Allison, University of Scranton, Pennsylvania
  • Book:
    U.S. and Latin American Relations
    Published online:
    08 December 2022
    Print publication:
    01 December 2022, pp 356-387

  • Summary

    Latin Americans can feel insecure for many different and overlapping reasons. U.S. and Latin American leaders don’t always agree on what these are, what causes them, and what should be done about them. Given all the previous chapters, this shouldn’t surprise us. In 2021, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence pointed to threats stemming from economic crisis (exacerbated by Covid-19), crime, narcotics trafficking, corruption, and Venezuela. It also noted the threatening presence of China and Russia. Latin American leaders show widely varying degrees of agreement about these. This chapter highlights U.S. policy dealing with insecurity and Latin American divergence from it. The dynamics of the economy, as well as extrahemispheric actors, are already addressed in other chapters. That leaves a focus on crime, drug trafficking, and corruption, but also considered is climate change, which the Organization of American States keeps front and center.

  • Long-term effects of psychotherapy in a context of continuous community and gang violence: changes in aggressive attitude in high-risk South African adolescents

  • Martina Hinsberger, Leon Holtzhausen, Jessica Sommer, Debra Kaminer, Thomas Elbert, Soraya Seedat, Mareike Augsburger, Maggie Schauer, Roland Weierstall
  • Journal:
    Behavioural and Cognitive Psychotherapy / Volume 48 / Issue 1 / January 2020
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    31 May 2019, pp. 1-13
    Print publication:
    January 2020
  • Background:

    Post-traumatic stress but also aggressive attitudes and behaviour can be found in adolescents living in a context of ongoing community and gang violence in the low-income urban areas of Cape Town, South Africa.

    Aims:

    We investigated the long-term effects (15–20 months after therapy) of (a) Narrative Exposure Therapy for Forensic Offender Rehabilitation (FORNET) and (b) the cognitive behavioural intervention ‘Thinking for a Change’ (CBT) on post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and aggression compared with a waiting list.

    Method:

    Fifty-four young males participated in the treatment trial, of which 17 completed the FORNET intervention, 11 the CBT intervention, and 26 were on a waiting list. The primary outcome was the change score for the Appetitive Aggression Scale; secondary outcomes were the PTSD Symptom Scale-Interview change scores, and the number of perpetrated violent event types.

    Results:

    The reduction in scores for PTSD that had been observed in FORNET completers at the first follow-up were still significant at the second long-term follow-up (Cohen’s d = 0.86). In this treatment arm (FORNET), the scores for appetitive aggression were also significantly reduced (Cohen’s d = 1.00). There were no significant changes observed for CBT or for the waiting list.

    Conclusions:

    The study indicates that FORNET can successfully reduce post-traumatic stress as well as the attraction to violence even for individuals living under conditions of continuous traumatic stress.

  • De-securitising and Re-securitising Gang Policies: The Funes Government and Gangs in El Salvador

  • CHRIS VAN DER BORGH, WIM SAVENIJE
  • Journal:
    Journal of Latin American Studies / Volume 47 / Issue 1 / February 2015
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    18 July 2014, pp. 149-176
    Print publication:
    February 2015

  • This article analyses the gang policies of the first years of the Funes administration in El Salvador, from June 2009 until July 2012. Using securitisation theory, it explains why the administration returned to an emphasis on extraordinary measures, most of them repressive, to deal with gangs. It argues that these measures were the product of an ongoing and dynamic process in which the government was but one of the players in a complex field constituted by numerous actors. The return to repressive measures as well as the support and facilitation of a ‘gang truce’ were not the result of a rational design or a predetermined agenda, but should be seen as a series of moves in a political conjuncture, in which the Salvadorean government needed to communicate to different audiences messages of being in control.