We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure [email protected]
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Chapter 3 focuses on political mobilizers of welfare nationalism, mainly popular attitudes toward welfare deservingness, and agents that mobilized anti-immigrant politics. The chapter elaborates on four types of deservingness criteria for migrants; need or vulnerability, ethnic closeness, contributions to receiving states’ economies and to their national security. It argues that societal norms for outsiders’ deservingness have narrowed in both Europe and Russia. Populist parties, anti-immigrant, and Euroskeptic are shown to be key mobilizers of welfare nationalism, abetted by anti-immigrant mass media. The chapter tracks one major populist party each in Britain, Germany, Italy, Sweden, and Poland, showing how that party gained vote share and national influence by opposing the CEE and MENA migrations. Using party programs and electoral outcomes, it shows how populists reinforced and amplified welfare nationalist grievances in societies, channeling them into electoral success and pressures for exclusionary migration policies. In authoritarian Russia, popular grievances against migrants are shown to be similar to grievances in Europe, but welfare nationalism was mobilized by regional elites, governors, and mayors. The chapter draws on arguments about authoritarian elites’ motivations to respond to popular grievances in order to explain how sub-national leaders used anti-immigrant mobilization for political advantage in Russia’s hybrid regime.
What is the relationship between the expansion of international labour migration, informal and precarious employment, and growing nationalism? Welfare Nationalism compares 21st century MENA migrations to Europe and Russia, the Ukrainian refugee migration to Europe in 2022, and labor migrations from Central Asia to Russia and from Central and Eastern Europe to Britain. Linda Cook contends that exclusionary and inclusionary migration cycles exist in both regions, driven by the 'deservingness' of migrants and mobilized by anti-immigrant politicians. Arguing that the long-term deterioration of labor markets and welfare provision for nationals in Europe and Russia drives welfare nationalism, she shows how populist parties in Europe and sub-national elites in Russia thrive on scapegoating migrants. Featuring a unique comparative analysis, this book examines the increasing harshness of contemporary migration policies and explores how we have arrived at the daily stand-offs of desperate international migrants against Europe's powers of surveillance and enforcement.
Recommend this
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.