As a result of French colonization, Haiti is a nation-state with a predominantly French-speaking written tradition. However, there is also a smaller body of Haitian texts written in Creole, dating back to the eighteenth century. Based on their linguistic and aesthetic characteristics, we can divide the corpus of Haitian Creole letters into two main chronological stages: the great period of emergence that stretches from colonial times to the middle of the twentieth century, and the period of emulation. The first period was dominated by texts of a mainly religious, administrative, and political nature. Written for the most part by high-ranking white settlers, these texts, using the local language, were intended for Creole-speaking slaves with a poor command of French. The second period, that of the autonomy of Creole letters or the beginnings of an authentic Creole literary tradition, began in the mid-twentieth century, in parallel with linguistic work to standardize the written code of the national language. This advance in the standardization of Creole led to a significant development of the language’s written code, particularly in the field of literature.

The book’s overall conclusion summarizes the argument advanced in this book. Despite advancing a theory that utilizes security practice to achieve security as a state of being, it ends on a cautionary note. To wit, although we have established the existence of mandatory securitization, the same should not be considered a ready-made solution to the world ills but rather a necessary evil in an insecure world. The conclusion argues that decision-makers concerned with improving the world should ultimately concern themselves with eradicating the sources of insecurity and not with fighting fires.

Five key questions beg for answers, namely: (1) what are the patterns and dimensions of inequality across the world? (2) What causes inequality? (3) Why does inequality persist? (4) Why is inequality an important focus for political economic analysis? (5) What can and is being done about inequality and by whom? This chapter seeks to answer these questions with reference to Africa as a point of departure for preparing the grounds for a new political economy of the Global South.

This chapter critically evaluates explanations that identify Western colonization/exploitation of Islam as the key factor for underdevelopment. It then explores the roles of the ulema’s anti-progressive ideas and political authoritarianism in contributing to socioeconomic underdevelopment in Muslim countries. The chapter uses the term “vicious circle” to highlight the interactivity of these problems. Next, the chapter examines the role of history and institutions. It stresses that exclusionary institutions in the Muslim world have been produced by authoritarian rulers, who hold political power, and the ulema, who provide the ideological legitimation. The chapter concludes with an explanation of why it is necessary to analyze the history of Muslim societies and polities in order to assess their contemporary problems, linking Part I of the book to Part II.

This chapter analyzes the problem of violence in many Muslim countries. It emphasizes that there is no Muslim exceptionalism; violence has occurred in all parts of the world. The frequent Muslim terrorist activities are a relatively recent trend that began in the 1980s. This trend is related to the worldwide decline of socialism and the rise of religious political movements. The chapter critically analyzes the explanations that point to either Islam or Western colonialism as the root cause of violence in several Muslim countries. The chapter examines the roles of Jihadi-Salafism and the ulema in Muslim countries’ problems with violence. It emphasizes that military conflicts and terrorism have multiple causes, including socioeconomic and political conditions, especially in authoritarian states.