This chapter summarises the main findings of the book and the trajectory of republican liberty as the central element of the competition–democracy nexus. The chapter also explores proposals for how the competition–democracy can be revived to allow competition law to address the contemporary challenges of industry concentration and the rise of corporate power. The chapter discusses different avenues towards a competition–democracy nexus 4.0 that would realign competition law with the parameters of republican antitrust. The chapter also casts light on the hard policy choices one such reform would involve.

John Keble and his protégé Charlotte Yonge take ritual time in a seemingly humbler, domestic direction. Rather than using higher time to engage an overarching political project as Wordsworth did with the Revolution, they see the church calendar as sacralizing even the smallest mundane tasks – the trivial round, as Keble calls it. Yet, for Keble, the transfiguration of daily work performed in linear time leads to nothing less than humanity’s deification or theosis, to use the language of the Greek Church Fathers venerated by the Oxford Movement. For Yonge, higher time and the Prayer Book’s liturgies not only reconcile reason and faith but also structure the material work of parish reform – the building of a local school, the repair of a dilapidated neighborhood, the hiring of a responsible priest to replace an absentee one. Through liturgy, therefore, the Tractarians can attend to everyday life while still seeing that life as sharing in the divine.

Silver coinage developed accompanied by locally produced silver. Gold was introduced in the late first century bce. Both were reformed by Nero, and the system eventually collapsed.

The victory of Cameron’s Conservatives in 2010 ushered in the idea of a new Conservative Party, repairing both image and electoral prospects. However, this chapter will examine to what extent that change occurred, and how much the Conservatives were united or divided by the same older questions of policy and ideology – particularly on Europe and the economy. The chapter will also analyse the development of the party’s structures, power and personnel, and contemplate what effects any change may have had.

A sustained period of Conservative government would normally be expected to usher in constitutional stability. But the reverse was largely true for the period 2010-24. During these years constitutional controversies were rarely far from the news, partly thanks to deliberately planned changes, but mostly due to radically shifting conventions and political behaviour. Across the time period, the direction of change was also very far from consistent. The initial coalition years were marked primarily by pressures towards greater constitutional pluralism, though Liberal Democrat reform ambitions were often held back by Cameron’s Conservatives. Later, any prospect of calm under single-party government was soon punctured by the pressures of Brexit. This eventually brought into question almost every aspect of the UK’s constitutional arrangements, and inflicted painful splits within the Conservative Party over questions of governance. In particular, Boris Johnson’s populist approach was characterised by wholesale disregard for constitutional norms, and highlighted vulnerabilities in the UK’s key democratic arrangements which few would previously have anticipated. If one commonality can be discerned across this fourteen-year period of constitutional extremes, it is the largely unconservative nature of policy.

The NHS, the great survivor of the post-war consensus, faced a period of considerable uncertainty. This chapter will examine if, and how, the Conservatives have changed the NHS in the face of economic pressures, technological advances, demographic change, changing expectations and the pandemic. Any analysis of the health policy of a government is incomplete without examining the wider state of social care and its relation to healthcare policy.

The Conservative effect is notable in education, with several reforms at the department, beginning with the most (and only) successful Education Secretary Michael Gove and continuing throughout the ten Education Secretaries over the remaining ten years. The rapid churn made for inconsistent policymaking, and a lack of long-term planning. It ends with the Conservatives’ role in guiding the education system through Covid, and the return to ambitious plans under the final PM, Rishi Sunak. The chapter will also scrutinise Conservative higher education and university policy, and whether there was an opportunity wasted with universities.

Chapter 6 explores the impact of the French Revolution on Goethe and examines the development in his responses, especially as reflected in the literary works he composed between 1789 and 1797. Goethe was horrified by the violence of 1789 and its aftermath; at the same time, he was critical of the French elites, and saw their fate as a warning to their German counterparts. This chapter highlights the ambivalence of his attitudes and aligns him with the reform conservatives, who favoured the maintenance of privileges but also reform from above.

Chapter 6 explains the need for a revision of the ADA. Current negotiations on the ADA are without positive outcomes. There are several reasons for this lack of progress such as deadlock in the Doha Development Round, the mega trade agreements or unwillingness on the part of top users of anti-dumping measures. Still, alternative solutions are proposed to settle the hidden trade protectionism in anti-dumping problems. Normative solutions include a comprehensive reform of the ADA. The study proposes changes to procedural justice in anti-dumping procedures. Due to the constraints on the substantive reform of the ADA in a short timescale, other possibilities are also discussed in order to improve procedural justice, including but not limited to (1) publishing best practice guidelines; (2) creating a standard questionnaire to be used by all WTO members; (3) reforming and fixing the DSM; (4) raising awareness among exporters. This chapter aims to highlight the current state of the negotiations on the ADA as well as the importance of procedural justice during a possible revision of the ADA and other practical means.

The introduction concerns itself primarily with establishing the historiography of the ordines romani, introducing the editions of Michel Andrieu, and showing how his presentation and study of the texts were shaped byassumptions about their proper origin and use. The overarching idea of liturgical refom is questioned, as well as the usefulness of synthetic editions, which fail to capture the variability and interactivity with which early medieval liturgical texts were compiled.

In 1997, a domestic financial crisis broke out with mass chaebol bankruptcy, and then a currency crisis broke out as Japanese banks suddenly pulled short-term loans out with a liquidity crisis at home. Japan was willing to provide the liquidity to cope with the situation; however, the United States brought the case to the IMF to open up South Korea’s capital market and realize its broader national interests in East Asia after the Cold War. South Koreans yet accepted the IMF conditionality willingly to utilize it as a momentum for the reforms they thought desirable. The country carried out thoroughgoing reforms while failing to consider the complementarities between the new and existing institutions. The reforms improved corporate governance and purged the system producing non-performing loans, but they undermined the mechanism of the high economic growth. They also led to the massive layoff of workers and the sale of assets to foreigners.