Classical archaeological chronologies are steeped in relative dating, but the application of absolute methods does not always support such clear-cut seriation. Here, the authors consider the significance of a Macedonian vase in reconciling the conventional and absolute chronologies of Early Iron Age Greece. Decorated with compass-drawn concentric circles and found in a Late Bronze Age context at ancient Eleon, Boeotia, the authors argue that this vessel establishes a chronological anchor and supports a twelfth-century BC emergence of the Protogeometric style in central Macedonia. A model for the indigenous development and dispersal of the Macedonian Protogeometric style is presented for future elaboration.

Plutarch's Moralia mentions that Theophrastus twice delivered his native city from tyrants (1097B, 1126F), a detail that has been difficult to make coherent with our existing understanding of Theophrastus’ life. Theophrastus seems to be in the wrong place at the wrong time for this to have been possible, or to have been too undemocratic and scholastic a philosopher to have wanted to participate in these struggles in the first place. By more closely examining the nature of Plutarch's comment and the evidence for Theophrastus’ political orientation and character, this article argues that there are, however, grounds on which to take Plutarch's report seriously. It presents a case for Theophrastus’ participation in two liberation struggles in 334 and 332, without complicating the trajectory of his accompanying Aristotle to both Macedonia and Athens during this period.

The dispute between Greece and the newly formed state referred to as the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” that emerged out of the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 was a major source of instability in the Western Balkans for more than 25 years. It was resolved through negotiations between Athens and Skopje, mediated by the United Nations, resulting in the Prespa (or Prespes) Agreement, which was signed on June 17, 2018, and ratified by both parliaments amid controversy in their countries. The underlying issues involved deeply held and differing views relating to national identity, history, and the future of the region, which were resolved through a change in the name of the new state and various agreements as to identity issues. The author, the United Nations mediator in the dispute for 20 years and previously the United States presidential envoy with reference to the dispute, describes the basis of the dispute, the positions of the parties, and the factors that led to a successful resolution.

The article analyzes, from a historical and institutional perspective, the sociopolitical cleavages existing between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians in the Republic of North Macedonia. Although primarily ethnic, the division between the two groups is deeply connected to state ownership and the official status each group occupies and wishes to occupy in it. By scrutinizing both groups’ claims, standpoints, and dissatisfactions, the article asserts that the implementation of consociationalism in 2001, through the de facto institutionalization of ethnicity, has partly soothed both groups’ frustrations, using the pragmatic exploitation of the existing ethnic divide as a proxy for “state sharing” in addition to power sharing.

Three samples of bulk smectite clay from the Pilori and Velanida bentonite deposits of the Ventzia basin, western Macedonia, Greece, were characterized in detail. Chemical analyses and X-ray diffraction (XRD; Rietveld method) showed that the samples are rich in Fe and Mg (8–13 mass% and 6–10 mass% as oxides, respectively) and contain ~60–65 mass% smectite. The high Fe and Mg content as well as the high Cr (0.3–0.5 mass%) and Ni content (0.1–0.3 mass%) are consistent with the formation of these clays from ultramafic precursor sediments of the Vourinos ophiolite complex. Both XRD and infrared spectroscopy indicate the presence of other clay minerals besides smectite, such as minor amounts of kaolinite, trioctahedral-rich palygorskite, serpentine and talc (depending on the sample). The position of the d060 reflection (1.51–1.52 Å) is compatible with either high Fe content or partial trioctahedral character, or probably both. The predominance of ferruginous smectite or nontronite was confirmed by infrared spectroscopy, but the minor presence of a trioctahedral magnesian smectite in some of the samples cannot be excluded. Layer charge densities, determined by the νO-D (oxygen-deuterium IR-stretching) method calibrated against the structural formula method, are in the 0.48–0.52 eq/FU range. Various methods point to the existence of a significant amount of tetrahedral charge, which is typical of ferruginous smectites. The major exchangeable cation is Mg2+ (73–90%), which represents a special property of these materials compared with other bentonites.

The new mineral bernardite has been identified on one specimen from Allchar, Macedonia, Yugoslavia, together with orpiment and realgar. It forms black crystals, the size of which may exceed 1 mm. The streak is deep red; on an arbitrarily oriented section R(589nm) ranges from 23.8 to 24.7% in air, from 10.2 to 11.6% in oil. Microprobe analyses together with an X-ray structure analysis suggest the ideal formula TlAs5S8, with a possible replacement of As by Sb up to 15 wt. %. Monoclinic; a 15.647(4), b 8.038(3), c 10.750(3) Å, β 91.27(3)°; space group P21/c; Z = 4; R = 0.049, wR = 0.036 for 2410 reflections. The atomic arrangement consists of a 3-dimensional As5S8 framework with eight-coordinated T1 in its holes. The mineral is named for Doc. Dr Jan H. Bernard, Prague, Czechoslovakia.

This article provides an introduction to the special thematic section on political mobilization in East Central Europe. Based on a brief presentation of the main arguments of the individual articles, the authors discuss the recent political volatility in East Central Europe. They highlight the tension between fierce political rhetoric and populist policies on the one hand, and low levels of voter turnout and overall political participation in the region on the other. The authors argue that recent cases of successful as well as unsuccessful political mobilization in East Central Europe point to structural re-alignments in the region's political landscape. In particular, the parties that are successful are those that manage to communicate their visions in new ways and whose messages resonate with nested attitudes and preferences of the electorate. These parties typically rally against the so-called establishment and claim for themselves an anti-hegemonic agenda. The introductory essay also asserts that these developments in East Central Europe deserve attention for their potential Europe-wide repercussions – especially the idea of “illiberal democracy,”which combines populist mobilization and autocratic demobilization and finds adherents also in more established European democracies.

This review of recent books about Alexander the Great and related topics focuses in particular on how much attention scholars have paid to the eastern aspects of the history and historiography of the period. It traces the identification of Alexander as an essentially ‘western’ figure back to the period of the Enlightenment, and shows how the work of scholars in the 18th century set the terms of the subsequent debate. It goes on to show how work on the Alexander Romance displays a far broader and inclusive range of intellectual approaches than traditional Alexander historiography, and suggests that the study of the historical Alexander would benefit from seeing Alexander as belonging in a Near Eastern context as well as a Greek or Macedonian one.

Good governance has been used as a development tool by international organizations and the European Union (hereinafter: EU) which has included it in cooperation agreements and promotes it within its Enlargement Policy. This paper analyzes the good governance approach in the EU's relations with Macedonia and its effects on the country's democratic policy making. The analysis shows that the Europeanization of Macedonia has an impact on the democratic processes in the country with sub-optimal results as its technocratic approach in assessing the country's readiness for EU membership has proved to be detrimental for the deliberative democratic processes. The intensive pressure for effectiveness and efficiency results in finding short cuts in rule transfer through copying and pasting legislation from member states and limiting the democratic policy making to political deliberation rather than to wide policy consultations between state and non-state actors.

Tells famously capture the historical sequences of the earliest farmers—but digging them is not easy. With a depth of strata of 17m at Dikili Tash, the earliest occupation was out of reach of a trench. But our researchers got there by coring, extending the date of the first occupation back 1000 years, and deducing, from small samples, the changing environment and possible connections with Anatolia.

The conversion of grasslands for agriculture has triggered a serious decline of the European ground squirrel or souslik Spermophilus citellus, categorized as Vulnerable on the IUCN Red List since 1996. The Jakupica phylogeographic lineage of central Macedonia is the smallest of the three major evolutionary lines of the European souslik. This lineage is an important reservoir of within-species diversity and should be regarded as an independent unit for conservation management purposes. It is endemic to Mount Jakupica, where it lives in mountain pastures at 1,500–2,250 m altitude. The total area occupied by sousliks (884 ha) is fragmented and 94% of individuals occur in four colonies. Densities (0.8–5.5 adults ha−1) are lower than those reported elsewhere for the species, with the total population probably <2,000 adults. One large colony, reportedly of c. 1,000 sousliks, was decimated in 2007 by a catastrophic fire and had still not recovered by 2010. A steady decline in livestock grazing, together with the predicted advance of the tree line as a consequence of climate change, will probably reduce the optimal habitat for the souslik and negatively affect population fitness. Monitoring needs to be implemented, at least for the largest colonies, to provide early warning of any declines.

The background of the contemporary Macedonian “antiquization” can be found in the nineteenth century and the myth of ancient descent among Orthodox Slavic speakers in Macedonia, adopted partially due to Greek cultural inputs. The idea of Ancient Macedonian nationhood has also been included in the national mythology during the Yugoslav era. An additional factor for its preservation has been the influence of the Macedonian Diaspora. After independence, attempts to use myth of ancient descent had to be abandoned due to political pressure by Greece. Contemporary antiquization on the other hand, has been revived as an efficient tool for political mobilization. It is manifested as a belated invention and mass-production of tradition, carried out through the creation of new ceremonies, interventions in the public space and dissemination of mythological and metaphysical narratives on the origin of the nation. There have also been attempts to scientifically rationalize claims to ancient nationhood. On the political level, the process of antiquization reinforced the political primacy of its promoters, the ruling Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE), but had a negative impact on the interethnic relations and the international position of the country.

The international legal entitlement by which a state constitutionally designates its name, or a province therein, involves a unilateral act. Where, however, another state wishes to choose the same appellation, as is the case with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), the matter can only be resolved by reference to the first user and the maxim prior in tempore potior in jure. The first user must provide evidence of continuous use and of protest in those cases where the same appellation was appropriated by a third state. Under such circumstances the entitlement becomes exclusive, rather than concurrent, because the prior user may be said to possess a sound historic title, such that has been recognized by international judicial bodies to determine acquisition of territory, effective administration, historic bays, and so on. The exclusivity of the entitlement is further reinforced by analogy with general principles derived from the law of trademarks. At a practical level, the application of the international law of geographical indications clearly demonstrates that the designation ‘Macedonia’ cannot be used for a significant number of products originating in FYROM, since the Greek province of Macedonia has for a long time branded and registered such products. This will create insurmountable problems for producers in FYROM when they try to brand their goods under the country's constitutional name. A change of name, particularly through the compromisory use of a compound, would alleviate legal, political, and financial concerns.