Chapter two presents the views of the prominent Sunni scholar ʿAbd al-Malik al-Juwaynī (d. 478/1085) in his Succour of Nations Amidst the Confusion of Darkness (Ghiyāth al-umam fī iltiyāth al-ẓulam). If early Sunni theologians conceived of the imamate in theological terms that strictly adhered to precedence, while later jurists understood the office in pragmatic and legal terms, then al-Juwaynī was a representative of the latter approach. Unlike many of his predecessors, al-Juwaynī came to terms with the termination of the ideal early caliphate. He endeavoured to provide a political theory that accommodated rulers who met the minimum requirements of Islamic law. A key thesis of al-Juwaynī is that jurists are essential to the governing process and that without them, a state would fail, thus, he posits the ruler’s consultation of jurists as a key source of his legitimacy. Furthermore, al-Juwaynī rejects the claim that a legitimate ruler must possess many of the ideal qualities associated with the early caliphs in Islamic history.

One of the most enduring sources of conflict among Muslims is the question of who or what represents legitimate power and authority after the Prophet Muhammad. This introduction briefly examines the diverse answers that key representatives of the classical Islamic tradition offered to this controversial question. A concise overview of early Islamic political history is followed by a survey of Islamic thought on the subject of authority in the formative (seventh-ninth centuries) and classical periods (ninth-thirteenth centuries). This introduction presents the views of six major theological schools of the classical period: Ashʿarism (representative of Sunnism), Muʿtazilism, Ibadism, Twelver Shiʿism, Ismaʿilism, and Zaydism. Finally, this chapter discusses the classical Arabic texts that appear in English translation in this anthology as well as their respective themes, authors, and historical contexts.

Chapter one presents the views of the Sunni scholar Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan b. Fūrak (d. 406/1015) in his Précis of the Doctrines of Abū ’l-Ḥasan al-Ashʿarī (Mujarrad maqālāt Abī ’l-Ḥasan al-Ashʿarī). In this work, Ibn Fūrak discusses the teachings of the famous Sunni theologian, Abū ’l-Ḥasan al-Ashʿarī (d. 324/935−6), and quotes him directly from writings that are not extant. The Précis provides a brief overview of traditional Sunni views on the imamate. Ibn Fūrak and al-Ashʿarī interpret the history of succession after the Prophet Muhammad in a way that is charitable to the Companions and downplays the conflicts among them. This approach reflects the Sunni view of the first four caliphs as individuals who possessed all of the requisite qualities of an ideal ruler.

Chapter seven presents the views of a prominent leader of the Mustaʿlī Ṭayyibī branch of the Ismaʿili community, al-Dāʿī ʿAlī b. Muḥammad b. al-Walīd (d. 612/1215). Ibn al-Walīd was a prolific writer who authored several works on philosophy, theology, poetry, and commentary on the Qurʾān. He concisely explains key Islamic doctrines (monotheism, prophethood, the Hereafter, etc.) according to the Mustaʿlī Ṭayyibī tradition in his theological work, The Crown of Doctrines and the Mine of Instructive Points (Tāj al-ʿaqāʾid wa-maʿdin al-fawāʾid). The doctrines he supports in his chapter on the imamate largely correspond with those that appear in Twelver Shiʿi literature. He argues against the right of members of the community to choose their imams and endorses the need for their appointment by means of divine designation (naṣṣ). He believes in the perpetual necessity of the office and asserts that the nonexistence of a divinely designated imam is impossible; the imam is God’s living proof (ḥujja). The Ismaʿilis maintained that God’s proof played an essential role in humans’ acquisition of any knowledge relating to God or matters pertaining to religion that God desired humanity to know.

Chapter three presents the views of the prominent Zaydī scholar al-Nāṭiq bi-’l-Ḥaqq Abū Ṭālib al-Hārūnī (d. 424/1033) in his Theoretical Underpinning of the Imamate (al-Diʿāma fi tathbīt al-imāma). Al-Nāṭiq draws on key Muʿtazili concepts and technical terms to propound a comprehensive argument in defence of the Zaydi conception of the imamate while refuting the doctrines of his Muʿtazili, Sunni, and Twelver Shiʿi peers. Against the Twelvers, al-Nāṭiq sought to refute three assumptions: the rational necessity of the imamate, the necessity of infallibility, and the necessity of divine designation (naṣṣ). He was intimately familiar with Twelver doctrines because his father and larger family identified as Twelvers. Al-Nāṭiq’s Theoretical Underpinning became as a seminal work on the Zaydi imamate.

Chapter five presents the views of the prominent Muʿtazili scholar Rukn al-Dīn Ibn al-Malāḥimī (d. 536/1141) in his Book of Excellence on the Fundamental Principles of Religion (Kitāb al-Fāʾiq fī uṣūl al-dīn). The Book of Excellence, which is extant in full, is a summary of his larger work, a comprehensive theological summa entitled The Reliable Book on the Fundamental Principles of Religion (al-Muʿtamad fī uṣūl al-dīn), of which only parts survive. The Book of Excellence is an important source for contemporary researchers since it is one of the last available texts from the Sunni Muʿtazili tradition, which disappeared by the end of the classical period in the seventh/thirteenth century. Ibn al-Malāḥimī’s chapter on the imamate, in particular, represents this tradition’s views up until the sixth/twelfth century. It justifies the Muslim community’s right to select its own leaders and affirms the legitimacy of the first four caliphs. Ibn al-Malāḥimī also defends ʿAli’s character against accusations of wrongdoing, while refuting Imami doctrines about his designation (naṣṣ) and infallibility.

Chapter six presents the views of the Ibāḍī scholar Abū ʿAmmār ʿAbd al-Kāfī b. Yūsuf al-Warjalānī (d. ca. 570/1174) in his Concise Book (al-Mūjaz). In this work, al-Warjalānī defends those doctrines that he considers to be correct and refutes the views of rival religious traditions, both Muslim and non-Muslim. His chapter on the imamate provides a broad overview of Khārijī and Ibāḍī views on the qualities of a legitimate imam. The function of the imam is to aid the community in commanding right, forbidding wrong, establishing justice, and administering ḥudūd (fixed, nondiscretionary penalties). The Khārijī-Ibāḍī tradition is unique in outlining a procedure for the removal of an imam. If an imam violates a divine commandment, he should be compelled to seek repentance. Repeat offenses or a refusal to repent are grounds for disqualification and removal from office. If an imam refuses to give up his authority, he is to be fought until he is dislodged from power or killed. For the Ibāḍīs, cancelling the authority of an imam to restart the selection process and appoint another is considered a legitimate procedure. When the Ibāḍīs do not have the ability to appoint imams, their doctrine permits them to dissimulate and live peacefully among non-Ibāḍī Muslims.

Chapter four presents the views of the prominent Twelver Shiʿi scholar Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-Ṭūsī (d. 460/1067). Like other Zaydis and Twelver Shiʿis of his era, al-Ṭūsī incorporated Muʿtazili doctrines into his writings on theology. His seminal work on the imamate is an abridgment of The Curative Book (al-Shāfī) by al-Sharīf al-Murtaḍā (d. 436/1044). Al-Ṭūsī’s work was similarly entitled The Curative Book on the Imamate: A Paraphrastic Rendering (Talkhīṣ al-Shāfī fī al-imāma) and reflected his own understanding of the text. Both al-Murtaḍā and al-Ṭūsī ground the Twelver conception of the imamate in Bahshamī Muʿtazili theology to argue for the rational necessity of the imamate and its necessity according to the Qurʾan and hadith. They accomplish the former by tying the existence of imams to the existence of moral obligations (taklīf) in the sight of God. As long as moral obligations exist, humans need imams who function as a type of divine assistance (luṭf).

The Introduction provides a panoramic view of Strauss’s thought, with a special emphasis on his interest in Islamic political thought. This summary presentation will focus on what I call the four pillars of Strauss’s intellectual project: (1) Reason and Revelation; (2) Ancients and Moderns; (3) The Theologico-Political Problem; (4) Esotericism. All these themes have a direct relationship to Strauss’s writings on Islamic thought and his biographically documented interest in the writings of the Falāsifa. This summary presentation is followed by a critical assessment of previous studies on Strauss’s interest in Islamic thought. The objective of this critical assessment is, first of all, to discuss some of the common misconceptions regarding Strauss’s writings on Islamic philosophy in those writings which are mainly critical of his scholarship. The second objective is to show that, despite some very important studies on Strauss’s scholarship on Islamic thought, there is a significant gap existing in the scholarship.

Comparing the situation of the Abbasid caliphate with other empires shows the geographic and environmental disadvantages of an empire based in Iraq. This chapter highlights the misconceptions surrounding the term "caliphate," and shows how the legacy of the Abbasids and their adaptability to various times can represent a bridge to the modern period. From their openness to various sources of learning in the early period to the inclusive spirit of the later Abbasids with the accommodation of Sufism, the caliphs - far from being the intolerant stereotype portrayed in modern journalism - were in many ways the patrons for a more inclusive frame of society, and central facilitators of change.

This chapter deals with the variety of thought among the thinkers of the early Muslim Brotherhood about the three subjects of the state, political participation and societal rights and freedoms in the period of the late 1920s to the late 1970s. It indicates what main stances can be discerned about the three issues mentioned among the major thinkers associated with the organisation. This is important because the ideological divisions in the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood still run along the lines of sharīʿa-centred, umma-centred or balanced thinking and, as with classical Islamic political thought, have also been heavily influenced by the early Brotherhood’s beliefs. As such, the ideological outlook of these three different trends has shaped the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood’s overall stance towards the subjects of the state, political participation and societal rights and freedoms dealt with in this chapter.

Terry Nardin’s chapter grows out of an experiment in cross-cultural teaching that has flourished at the Yale-NUS College in Singapore. The program crosses the civilizational boundaries that often define the way political theory is taught and refuses the usual distinction between “Western” and “non-Western” thought. This distinction privileges European thought, throwing the rest of the world into a residual category, obscuring the fact that the rise of “the West” brought much of the world under the dominating rule of Europeans. Drawing on ancient and modern texts from India, China, and the Islamic world as well as from Europe, the course combines the close reading of both political and philosophical texts. By drawing on a wider range of texts than is usual in political theory courses, it invites students and teachers to explore a diversity of genres and their associated contexts, presuppositions, and reverberations. It addresses disputes about canons, relevance, translations, and expertise, inviting students to engage with a broad intellectual inheritance. It illustrates how faculty can educate one another as they teach all the students in a liberal arts college how to transcend parochialism by sharpening their capacities for philosophical and political reasoning.

Joseph Chan and Franz Mang deploy analytic methods to elucidate Confucian political philosophy and ethics for the twenty-first century, arguing that Confucian ideals offer a pathway toward overcoming modern thought’s neglect of the cultivation of ethical character as constitutive of the life well lived – an idea common to ancient thought in both Western and East Asian contexts. In this chapter, they accept a key challenge of deparochializing political theory: that it forces us out of our intellectual comfort zones to engage with traditions that are new to us. In this spirit, they construct a conversation between Western political thought, Confucianism, and Islam on the idea of popular sovereignty. They develop reconstructive-analytic accounts of mainstream Confucian and Islamic political thought and argue that neither tradition can be reconciled at a philosophical level with the idea of the people as the ultimate source of legitimate political authority. Even though strands of both Confucianism and Islam are compatible with democracy, popular sovereignty cannot serve as a “useful myth” in Confucian- or Islamic-heritage societies, for different reasons. These societies can benefit from projects of democratization and civil liberties but can dispense with the doctrine of popular sovereignty as the foundation for such projects.